He focused on what he now calls "social infrastructure" and how communities with the same racial and income dynamics but differences in the level of social capital--functioning community organizations and local commercial districts with active retailers, etc.--between them accounted for the differences in death rates.
The New York Times has an aricle, "How Decades of Racist Housing Policy Left Neighborhoods Sweltering," which looks at this phenomenon more generally, reporting on findings linking redlining to heat-related deaths, reduced tree cover, etc., although they didn't discuss social infrastructure. From the article:
On a hot summer’s day, the neighborhood of Gilpin quickly becomes one of the most sweltering parts of Richmond.Yes, typically low income neighborhoods didn't get a lot of investment in urban design and placemaking related elements, from quality school and library buildings, to parks and trails ("," Chicago Tribune), to trees and sidewalks.
There are few trees along the sidewalks to shield people from the sun’s relentless glare. More than 2,000 residents, mostly Black, live in low-income public housing that lacks central air conditioning. Many front yards are paved with concrete, which absorbs and traps heat. The ZIP code has among the highest rates of heat-related ambulance calls in the city.
There are places like Gilpin all across the United States. In cities like Baltimore, Dallas, Denver, Miami, Portland and New York, neighborhoods that are poorer and have more residents of color can be 5 to 20 degrees Fahrenheit hotter in summer than wealthier, whiter parts of the same city.
And there’s growing evidence that this is no coincidence. In the 20th century, local and federal officials, usually white, enacted policies that reinforced racial segregation in cities and diverted investment away from minority neighborhoods in ways that created large disparities in the urban heat environment.
And this is still a problem today, although the "social urbanism" planning approach is a good way to right the imbalances ("Social urbanism and Baltimore," 2019).
The other day there was an article in the Wall Street Journal about how companies are buying old growth forests for their function as carbon sinks ("Preserving Trees Becomes Big Business, Driven by Emissions Rules").
Reading the article, I was thinking that while it's great these forests won't be clear cut in the future, I couldn't help but ask the question " what about planting more trees now in places that are lacking in trees?" ("Tree planting 'has mind-blowing potential' to tackle climate crisis," Guardian). From the WSJ article:
For much of human history, the way to make money from a tree was to chop it down. Now, with companies rushing to offset their carbon emissions, there is value in leaving them standing.It seems to me that investments in forests as carbon sinks ought to be tied to new investments in tree plantings too.
The good news for trees is that the going rate for intact forests has become competitive with what mills pay for logs in corners of Alaska and Appalachia, the Adirondacks and up toward Acadia. That is spurring landowners to make centurylong conservation deals with fossil-fuel companies, which help the latter comply with regulatory demands to reduce their carbon emissions.
For now, California is the only U.S. state with a so-called cap-and-trade system that aims to reduce greenhouse gasses by making it more expensive over time for firms operating in the state to pollute. Preserving trees is rewarded with carbon-offset credits, a climate-change currency that companies can purchase and apply toward a tiny portion of their tab.
But lately, big energy companies, betting that the idea will spread, are looking to preserve vast tracts of forest beyond what they need for California, as part of a burgeoning, speculative market in so-called voluntary offsets.
Urban neighborhoods lacking in tree coverage ought to places for such targeted investments.
Absolutely there is a need for equity planning I've argued for many years about social and other infrastructure investments in low income communities as a way to help strengthen those communities and extend opportunity.
I have an outline for equity planning that I need to further develop (I pop into the comments links to programs and concepts I've come across since), but it's basically about investment in all the types of "infrastructure" that a community needs.
-- "An outline for integrated equity planning: concepts and programs," 2017
Trees are for rich people.
ReplyDeleteThey are very expensive. They cause enormous damage, annual costs, and require 20 years before they see a return in terms of mature shade.
(And shade on your house means you're going to be spending 5000 to remove that tree)
Off topic:
https://www.redfin.com/blog/real-estate-prices-fall-san-francisco/?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=feed&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+redfin_corporate+%28Redfin+Corporate+Blog%3A+Notes+on+Redfin%2C+technology%2C+real+estate+and+life+at+a+startup.%29
Unless you find some Hispanic guys. But you have to dispose of the wood. That's really hard. We still have a lot. But fortunately, a guy who burns wood for heat took a lot of it. Craigslist didn't do much...
ReplyDeleteIt was a shame because that tree, a willow oak, paired with another big maple, made an outdoor room and was one of the attractions to the house.
Now, the maple is slowly dying too. In the meantime I've let saplings grow on the perimeter, to replace the trees. But we also got a couple through that Casey Trees/Pepco program.
Then, when the tree came down in the front yard, most landed in our neighbor's yard. But even then we paid a lot, mostly for stump removal. And the stump for the willow oak is still back there, decaying slowly.
... but I was thinking more of the planting strip.
WRT the SF thing, not sure what to make of it. I guess the general point is that it's always bad to try to sell during an economic downturn.
ReplyDeleteIt's not like the SF Metro is Detroit (well, there are some elements, especially long term in terms of water and drought, wildfires, and earthquakes).
But I do argue that you only need small demand drops like with driving or small demand shifts like from rental to airbnb to see big changes in road congestion or rents.
Will a longer term shift in telework, even if small have a big effect on housing in an area of generally high interest and constraints on inventory?
Even during the GFC housing in DC wasn't cheap. The crazy appreciation diminished, and demand diminished greatly for houses that weren't A in location and condition.
What do you think?
RE: Public housing, lack of "central air".
ReplyDeleteHow much older, market rate housing pre-1970 (since we know construction basically stopped in DC from 1968 onwards) has central air?
Not sure that is your best benchmark for public housing It's just a function of the age of the building.
Likewise, as we've talked planting street trees are great but they need watering for the first 5 years. We got two new ones in front of the building. I"m trying to get a hose built so we could water them - the alternative is either 200 feet of hose or carrying buckets out. Cost will be over 4000 and involves ripping out an owners wall and concrete drilling. Not feasible.
SF: What you're seeing in consumer confidence dropping must in under 35 year households. A variety of reasons for that. But that is your condo market in every city, not just SF. Agree SF is a special case. I'm definitely seeing a slowdown in condo sales here in DC.
Georgetown and other BIDs have flower planters and hangers. They use a water truck to go around and water the plants so they don't die.
ReplyDeleteIt might be that the city should do this in areas where you can't count on residents to do it. It wouldn't be hard.
Alternatively, you can install faucets in tree boxes. (I've seen water pumps I think in Sugar House, but in private developments.)
And update building regulations to include a water faucet on the fronts of properties...
2. good point about a/c.
3. I do think the long term fundamentals in a city like SF or NYC are strong. In DC, maybe a bit weaker, especially given the reality that f*ed up anti-government Republicans will continue to hound the federal workforce and move agencies away from the area, impacting demand for housing.
But it is a case study bearing further observation wrt my point about "8 components of housing value" and whether or not in a particular area the fundamentals are truly inherent.
http://urbanplacesandspaces.blogspot.com/2016/09/the-eight-components-of-housing-value.html
26 units in our building.
ReplyDelete1 sold this summer. 2 for sale, over 30 days which is highly unusual -- they usually go in a few days. I don't remember one being over a week in over 5 years.
3 units "empty" -- 2 owners and 1 renter have fled town. No idea when they will return.
2 other units owners desperate to sell but waiting until the other 2 sell. 1 unit renters moving out, bought a new place in DC.
A lot of change wrapped up in a few months. 9 out of 26.
I see a lot of moving trucks around town -- mostly moving out. Don't see many people moving in. Uhaul etc confirms more expensive to get a truck OUT of DC then in.
Hmm. Transit cities might be disproportionately affected? I just don't know.
ReplyDeleteI do wonder about the fear/flight thing. Suzanne is a fear person, quick to react "what's wrong?"
Our next door neighbors all of a sudden decided to sell their house and rent. Although his job is at risk (it's in university athletics). But it's that, the pandemic, that there was an earthquake, etc.
But otherwise not much has changed. But I am thinking that's because SLC is a car-dominated place. Yes there is light rail, but it doesn't have the kind of life-centricity that transit does in a city like NYC, Boston, SF, or the core of Washington.
So I wonder. Is it fear-flight? Or are the people just prescient?
The big thing about cities and the pandemic will be during the intemperate months.
I just can't say.