SEPTA Philadelphia removal of Belgian block paving stones illustrates four points about urban history/cultural resource/transportation planning
Mark D. Sanders of Ogontz, president of the Philadelphia Street Railway Historical Society, talks about construction that threatens the last bit of historic Belgian block paving under the trolley tracks on South 40th Street in University City. Photo: Tyger Williams, Philadelphia Inquirer.
This post is in response to the Philadelphia Inquirer article, "A historic West Philly street, built with iconic Belgian paving stones, is being torn up as SEPTA upgrades trolley tracks ." From the article:
As they rip up worn trolley tracks on South 40th Street, construction crews have been excavating pieces of Philadelphia history.
SEPTA says safety is at stake.
But those granite paving stones, called Belgian block, helped accelerate the development of West Philadelphia into the city’s first suburb in the late 19th and early 20th centuries by enabling electrified streetcars to link Center City to an area that was then mostly rural.
Now members of the Philadelphia Street Railway Historical Society are scrambling to save the Belgian block, without gaining much traction so far. As of last week, only a small portion remained, between Locust and Spruce Streets.
Because of strong historic protections, O and P Streets in Georgetown remains paved in stone blocks (I admit it looks cool but is a pain in the butt from a biking standpoint) and the steel rails from the old Route 20 Streetcar line have been retained as well.
It was re-constructed about 10 years ago.
-- Remembering Georgetown’s Streetcar Era: The O and P Streets Rehabilitation Project, DC Department of Transportation
But I bet they only did it because they had to. Because of DC's previous
existence as a department of the federal government, Georgtown has
special status as a federal historic district, created many years before
the National Historic Preservation Act was passed. This is why the stone block road and streetcar rails were saved to begin with.
Note that the O and P Rehabilitation Project was 100% identical to what they are doing in Philadelphia and is proof that retention of the Belgian block in Philadelphia is no problem. Except for cost.
This is a streetcar photo likely from either O or P Streets in Georgetown, from the Historic Prince William webpage on DC area streetcar photos. The streetcar destination sign says "Georgetown" and it's a stone block paved street.
WRT the Philadelphia project specifically:
1. It demonstrates that the City of Philadelphia lacks a strong commitment to preservation in Philadelphia. While an incredibly historic city, Philadelphia has pretty weak historic preservation protections generally, and not much of a commitment to it by elected officials. Philadelphia, sadly, is a city where the ward councilmembers have veto power over development decisions, including preservation, and they don't use this power to good use ("‘Councilmanic prerogative’ is a campaign issue. But WTF is it?," BillyPenn).
In fact, early on in my involvement in urban revitalization, at a conference in Philadelphia in 2003 I asked a leading question of a plenary speaker to embarrass the city in its lack of prioritization of historic preservation in its Neighborhood Transformation Initiative (" An outsider's vision for saving Philly," Philadelphia Daily News, 2003). It led the city to work with the National Trust for Historic Preservation on a reconfiguration of the process.
But despite that and other programs, such as the state receivership program ("Pennsylvania passes receivership law with regard to vacant/nuisance properties," 2010), the city hasn't upgraded its approach.
It's not that they don't know, but I guess because Philadelphia is considered a primary example of the urban renewal approach, even though at the time it involved some preservation, they didn't develop the same emphasis where preservation was enthusiastically adopted as a way to stabilize otherwise shrinking cities ("The City that Might Have Been: Edmund Bacon’s Philadelphia," PhillyHistory Blog).
Although they do have some great publications, like the Philadelphia Rowhouse Manual, a decent preservation organization, the Preservation Alliance of Greater Philadelphia, the core of historic buildings like Independence Hall and the related museum, etc.
Economics of Uniqueness: Investing in Historic City Cores and Cultural Heritage Assets for Sustainable Development, World BankThe solution would be to do what I recommend for DC, treat the city as if it were a heritage area, whether or not they got state or national designation to do so.
From "What would be a "Transformational Projects Action Plan" for DC's cultural ecosystem":
The city should acknowledge the built environment as a key
element of the city's identity, in particular historic architecture and
urban design. This is Item #3 in "40th anniversary of the local historic preservation law in DC as an opportunity for assessment," 2019:
Treat the entire city as a "heritage area" from the standpoint of the design management of the built environment, using the concept of the cultural landscape, so that all buildings would have some basic design review and demolition protections, regardless of whether or not they are listed either individually or as part of an existing historic district.
Otherwise, so many buildings and neighborhoods are unprotected now, and likelihood of protection is slim, e.g., our 1929 bungalow is quite intact, but there is no chance our neighborhood would ever become a historic district, or that a typical building of its type (e.g., bungalow, Craftsman style rowhouse, Italianate frame or rowhouse, Queen Anne rowhouse, etc.) would be able to be designated individually as opposed to being a contributing structure in a neighborhood historic district, except in exceptional circumstances.
In the US, there are two types of heritage areas, either state or federally designated. I am not arguing that we need to create a formal heritage area in DC. Rather we can use that framework, that is thinking about the city in its entirety as a cultural landscape, for managing the city's built environment.
Locally, Maryland has a system of state heritage areas, although they have limited additional protections concerning designation and protection and are more focused on tourism development.
Also see A Users Guide to Implementing City Competitiveness Interventions : Competitive Cities for Jobs and Growth, Companion Paper 4, World Bank.
2. At the local level, transportation agencies need to have stronger requirements for historic preservation. The reality is that they do have strong requirements. Because they receive federal funds, it is considered a "federal undertaking" and they are required to do evaluations of projects for their effects on historic buildings, structures, and sites, with an aim towards preservation and mitigation.
While preservationists frequently refer to Section 106 reviews resulting from the National Historic Preservation Act, there is a specific section of the Department of Transportation Act, 4(f), calling for historic preservation review of transportation projects ("Section 4(f) of the Department of Transportation Act," NTHP).
But a lot of times it seems like agencies are able to slide on this at the local level. This is true in DC too, with the exception of the O and P Streets matter.
a. When the city department of transportation was replacing alley pavements, they thought they were great because they were replacing them with red brick. But red brick was one of at least four different pavements used, in addition to yellow brick, asphalt block, and cobblestones. I do think my complaints on this led them to use yellow brick too, but I don't think asphalt block.
b. I remember "arguing" with a DDOT representative when they installed a concrete wall on a historic property, when to be historically accurate it should have been constructed of stone. They said it's not in a historic district so it doesn't matter.This isn't the property, but this is the kind of stone wall that should have been constructed, although it would have been a few feet taller. Instead they poured concrete.
c. WMATA, the metropolitan transit agency for the DC area, was "gifted" a bunch of transit infrastructure from its acquisition of the old DC Transit agency--streetcars stopped running in 1962 but there was extant infrastructure like bridges, and bus related infrastructure.
One such structure was the Foundry Branch Trestle in the Palisades neighborhood. They didn't want to maintain it, because it had zero relevance to their service program ("D.C.’s last trolley trestle is in ‘imminent risk of collapse’," Washington Post).While I don't disagree that it shouldn't have been there problem, DC should have stepped in, taken title, and preserved it. But DC Department of Transportation refused.
And because DC's elected officials aren't particularly committed to preservation and because there is no substantive plan for interpreting and preserving resources particularly important to DC's transportation history, the bridge was allowed to be demolished.
-- Decision and Order: Application of Washington Metropolitan Area Transit Authority Foundry Branch Trestle, DC Government
3. DC and Philadelphia, like most communities, don't have specific transportation history preservation and interpretation plans. I was clued into the need for this because of seeing a presentation which mentioned how Passaic County, New Jersey recognized the importance of maintaining and interpreting historic transportation infrastructure in their community as part of the county's master transportation plan. Later the county's tourism plan expanded on this idea.
Terminal Town is a book by DePaul professor Joseph Schweiterman, about all the city's transportation terminals. An exhibition based on the book was created and displayed in various locations across the city. (Photo: DePaul University/Jamie Moncrief).Freedom Rides Museum, Montgomery, Alabama. Photo by Michael Harding.
I've written about this in the context of railroads, although from my writings it sounds like that's all I care about ("May should be National Train Month: Rethinking promoting more comprehensively travel by train in the US "), which isn't true.
Canals, roads, even parking lots (like those associated with the Park and Shop shopping center type), railroads, bus systems, streetcar, light rail and heavy rail, ferry systems (+ airports, ports and maritime activities, etc.) should all be covered.
And this shouldn't necessarily be at the expense of the transportation agency, because it's more of a city historic preservation matter. In any case, funds separate from the maintenance of operating transportation and transit resources should be provided to maintain this infrastructure.Chapter 8 of the Passaic Transportation Plan is mistitled as "Scenic and Historic Byways" because it has a broader purpose, not just the preservation and interpretation of historic transportation infrastructure, but providing access to to these resources:
1. Prepare a History and Tourism Element of the Passaic County Master Plan:
- Coordinate transportation services to provide better access to and between major sites and byways;
- Develop way-finding and promotional materials around major transportation hubs and activity centers; and
- Coordinate information sharing on all levels.
2. Adopt a process for identifying, preserving and enhancing scenic and historic resources as part of the County Development Review and Capital Planning Processes:
- Direct Passaic County staff to follow the procedures and guidelines outlined later in this section;
- Coordinate with all local planning boards, historic and environmental commissions in municipalities where byways exist;
- Promote resources along byways that are not currently on local, state and federal historic registers;
- Formally adopt guidelines that will raise awareness of these byways for potential development review applicants and local agencies; and
- All capital engineering and construction projects should e referred to the Planning Board for a review of all scenic and historic resources.
Note that the chapter is worth reading in its entirety. Probably it would be better to do interpretation of transportation infrastructure as one chapter, and providing better transit/transportation access to historic resources should be another.
Still, it's a pathbreaking document.
My line about historic preservation in DC is that it's the strongest law in the country for resources that are already designated, but it's not strong enough for resources that are eligible for designation, but aren't. Clearly, DC shows this with the items I mentioned in the previous section, and Philadelphia shows us this is the case too.
Ironically, as mentioned above, this blog was started in part as a way to keep my thoughts and writings in one place, and the first substantive entry was a reprint of an op-ed I wrote in 2003 in the Philadelphia Daily News about how Philadelphia was missing the boat on historic preservation as a revitalization strategy.
=====
Point 4 is not specifically related to Philadelphia or DC and preservation but is about:
4. Belgian/asphalt block as a pavement material ideally suited to manage operating speed of motor vehicles. I argue that transportation agencies should reimagine how they use paving materials to better manage operating speed of motor vehicles in relation to land use context, especially in residential areas.
-- "Extending the "Signature Streets" concept to "Signature Streets and Spaces"," 2020
First Street SE, Washington, DC.In fact I submitted that concept as one of many comments on the update process for the Salt Lake City Transportation Master Plan.
Such pavement provides "visual, aural, and physical cues" to drive more slowly.
Ideally, residential streets would be so paved, as well as streets abutting transit stations, within commercial districts, and parks, libraries, and schools.
The Belgian block in Philadelphia that SEPTA is ripping out of South 40th Street is a perfect example of how "old pavement" is still relevant to today's transportation needs.
Labels: historic preservation, transportation infrastructure, transportation planning, travel planning/tourism, urban design/placemaking, urban history
10 Comments:
Its absolutely criminal that the PPL in georgetown would be for preservation of streetcar tracks but be totally against an actual new streetcar on those very tracks. Georgetown PPL only care about where they can park their BMWs. A Pallisades streetcar would not only be practical- it could be a fabulous toruist feature for all of DC
There is a lot to unpack here.
As much as the YIMBY crowd doesn't want to say so, Georgetown has been a huge success since the 1950s.
And also they've managed to add some new housing.
The real issue isn't new housing but investing in old housing.
Housing is inherently a depreciating asset. That is the japanese or Chinese model; you build a house to last 30 year and tear it down and build a new one after that.
The US model is not that different; we just let the entire area "filter" down to eventually it gets torn down as a slum.
Georgetown has managed to survive for 90 years and still allows people to invest in an older house and know the value of the area will be retained in 30 years.
In English (and American) law, we are able to take a property and split the various types of ownership.
Classic example is mineral rights in the US; you can see your oi rights and keep the land. That is not true for plenty of other legal systems.
Likewise the conversation easements and what not.
Likewise, should Georgetown residents pay more in taxes for that protected right that the neighborhood will remain the same -- yes.
Or should people who live is transit adjacent neightboorhoods pay more in taxes -- yes same principle of splitting the various rights.
I've said over the year that it is very hard to make a case to existing owners for more density. It is not going to help them at all. It might help the city, or region, or it might help in 20+ years -- but for the 7 years that most people live in a place there is zero benefit.
One downside for Georgetown is retail. It got by in the 70s through 90s on retails strength, but that has utterly collapsed. The built environment on M street is not ideal for retail anymore and probably only worked as an outdoor mall.
very off topic!
https://bylinetimes.com/2019/04/08/the-story-of-brexit-is-the-story-of-empire-why-did-so-many-asian-immigrants-vote-for-brexit/
Keyboard required... thx, will respond.
Deep s***. Yes, at the individual household scale adding density won't necessarily improve things for people. But even then, not necessarily.
The problem is that in extant places, adding density on residentially zoned blocks does result in substantive, oftentimes negative change.
But even in situations where what is proposed in quality, people oppose it. But it could be done right. E.g., if you took the four houses abutting ours in DC, you could build a nice apartment building, it'd be about 2/3 acre and the backyards are 90 feet long. But surgical density increases aren't part of our approach.
And the Net Present Value of adding density to an individual household is probably zero, despite how in the long run it reduces taxes, supports more frequent transit and the ability of local retail to survive and thrive, adds to public safety (hopefully, depends on what kind of density or housing is added, I gather putting Section 8 people in apartment buildings in W3 isn't "working out") supports neighborhood schools, etc.
I think a reasonable compromise is allowing residential density in commercial districts and transit station catchment areas. It doesn't really negatively impact most residents. And in those places, at least in a city like DC that (once had) have decent transit and alternatives to the car, most of the new trips by the new residents are not captured by the car.
I've written about this in Takoma and about the Nashville Community Character Manual approach.
But even if planners were good at articulating this, would it matter? I used to argue about this with Casey Anderson, chair of the MC Planning Board. He said regardless of the quality, people oppose. I think he's right, even though I couch the argument in terms of "people developed their understandings and approaches during the time of the shrinking city when the primary goal was neighborhood stabilization, and now with the opportunity to grow and add population, understandings and approaches should shift with the times."
wrt depreciation, we've talked about this often. Theoretically you're right, but when the supply of land and building stock is fixed, high value places can stay high value.
(That's the point of the "8 components of housing value" piece.)
It's just in the US, for the longest time, we had a focus on outward migration, unlike say in Europe. That left the core communities to rot. Detroit, Cleveland, St. Louis, Philadelphia, etc. are great examples of this.
Yes, it's reasonable to pay more in taxes for those conditions of "predictability."
The "problem" with adding density to Georgetown is the housing stock doesn't lend itself to it (rowhouse).
This has come up here. "They" want to allow up to four unit properties in SFH zones. Again, even if they laid it out well, it wouldn't go over well.
Interestingly, SLC has some incredibly creative examples of duplexes, and sometimes tri and quads, and apartment buildings.
I have been gathering photos of examples, but not systematically. I want to put together a paper laying out the approach that could go up to quads and even small apartment buildings depending. Dependent on the house type, location, lot etc.
But it means not allowing four McMansion sized units within one building footprint, but smaller units.
But even if the planners laid this out in this way, I think there would still be a lot of resistance.
But eg with our house, it's 1400 sf each on basement and ground level. We could put in a kitchen in our basement and it would be fine as two separate units. You could add a floor for a third, again, fine. Wouldn't impact the neighborhood or the viewshed at all.
On the other hand the core neighborhoods with the small craftsman-prairie style it wouldn't work for most. BUT there are some great examples of these in the duplex form even so. So it's doable, just not three units each 1400 s.f.
wrt retail, that's a tough nut. It'd work better if there was even more density. I found it really interesting in Essen and Liverpool's pedestrian districts that they had some small "malls" as part of it. In Hamburg it was the equivalent of the arcade style. To accommodate more modern and chain retail, without diminishing the value of the core shopping district.
And I guess most of the UK big cities have similar districts and until the last few years, had a bunch of department stores and other large chains represented there. But the crash in the last few years even before covid decimated this.
But there have been so many other exogenous shocks to the retail sector, like the loss of department stores.
I wrote about Georgetown and Friendship Heights on these issues.
We built a retail system that didn't work particularly well for urban neighborhoods.
But even so, Manhattan is an interesting case. Union Square functions as the main shopping district for multiple neighborhoods. Downtown could have functioned like that for DC serving SW, Capitol Hill, H Street, Dupont Circle, Shaw, and Georgetown.
Friendship Heights, maybe Van Ness, H Street could have functioned similarly. Columbia Heights but they never planned for a second phase beyond DC/USA. Etc. (In Upper NW, Silver Spring functions like that for those neighborhoods too, although there are supermarkets on Georgia Avenue.)
In Lower Manhattan, the districts still have convenience retail and small groceries like Key Foods, Gristedes, etc. (Safeway used to have stores that size in the city but started closing them in the 70s, and especially in the 80s when Herbert Haft greenmailed them.)
Oakland, Tacoma, and Baltimore too.
DC, but it was a fluke that it revitalized as well. The tug of the National Capital elements kept it on support at a level that places like Baltimore or Newark couldn't pull off.
wrt the Brexit article, you may not remember but you mentioned this point many years ago wrt your relatives there. "We earned our way here [to the UK}, we paid for it. They did not."
But I'm not so sure this particular article is super scintillating. It does show how complicated the whole Brexit discussion was and is. Very interesting about "the flows of Empire" being seen as being diminished by the greater integration with mainland Europe as a reason for Anglo Asians to support Brexit. I would have never understood that.
All I could see was the Tory xenophobia (May and her PA trucks telling people to self deport when she was Home Secretary, the destruction of shipping manifests by the Home Office which would have proved the Windrush generation legally immigrated, the making out Turkey to be the bogeyman if they joined the EU and untrammeled immigration, etc.).
Although another thing I never see discussed is what I think of as Bush's contribution to Brexit. The Iraq War destabilized the Mideast and accelerated immigration to Europe, including illegal immigration as well as a serious rise in Islamic immigration and a rise in terrorism, flows both ways, etc. That freaked people out, justifiably. Even if they didn't attribute the problem properly.
wrt Tory xenophobia, I wonder if immigrants from the Indian subcontinent were seen as "better" compared to people from the Caribbean?
After all, British see "curry" as a national dish, when it didn't originate there.
But I've seen plenty of television dramas that indicate that immigrants, especially people of color, have had a hard time in England.
Post a Comment
<< Home