Rebuilding Place in the Urban Space

"A community’s physical form, rather than its land uses, is its most intrinsic and enduring characteristic." [Katz, EPA] This blog focuses on place and placemaking and all that makes it work--historic preservation, urban design, transportation, asset-based community development, arts & cultural development, commercial district revitalization, tourism & destination development, and quality of life advocacy--along with doses of civic engagement and good governance watchdogging.

Wednesday, March 12, 2025

Trash piled up around a trash/waste can/container at London Fields Park, on a nice weather weekend, London

 

Reddit photo.

Many parks and business improvement districts provide more limited services on weekends, when these districts may have more patronage not less, but it doesn't comport with "business hours."

They need to have more frequent pick up on weekends.  

This has to do with planning for seasonality and 12 month parks.

Note that the park users are to be lauded for putting the trash at the waste can.  There are photos of Dolores Park on a weekend that are super trashy ("Enough litter to fill 460 bags of trash left behind by Dolores Park revelers over weekend," San Francisco Chronicle).


That's the point made in the entry, "Gaps in Parks Master Planning: Part One | Levels of Service" wrt parks that need more service than what is typical.  That goes for parks in temperate areas too.  In winter, parks tend to be used less.  But not in temperate areas.

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Monday, February 24, 2025

February is African-American History Month: Urban planning history -- the attempt to make Roxbury a separate city from Boston

I was surprised to come across a Boston Globe article ("Roxbury, Mattapan, and parts of Jamaica Plain could have become a separate Black majority city. Here’s what happened") on a de-annexation proposal for Boston, where the predominately Black areas would create their own city called Mandela.  

Also see 

-- "Separatist City’: The Mandela, Massachusetts (Roxbury) Movement and the Politics of Incorporation, Self-Determination, and Community Control, 1986–1988," Trotter Review
-- "Africa in Boston: A Critical Analysis of Mandela, Massachusetts," libcom
-- "Black neighborhoods becoming Black cities: Group empowerment, local control and the implications of being darker than brown," Harvard Civil Rights- Civil Liberties Law Review, 1988

Greater Atlanta. More recently, in Greater Atlanta, there has been a "create your own city" movement to separate blacks and whites, by selectively incorporating county lands ("The Incorporation of New Cities Has Increased Racial Segregation in Metro Atlanta," JCHS, "Suburbs, Inc.: Exploring Municipal Incorporation as a Mechanism of Racial and Economic Exclusion in Suburban Communities," Russell Sage Foundation Journal of the Social Sciences).  This continues with a proposal to calve off the Buckhead District ("Georgia senators reject Buckhead efforts to leave Atlanta," AP).  

Schools.  Similarly, in Shelby County, Tennessee, which created a consolidated city-county school district, white residents began breaking off and creating their own school districts ("Merger of Memphis and County School Districts Revives Race and Class Challenges," New York Times, "Back to the future: A new school district secession movement is gaining steam," Washington Post).

Mandela versus electing Black leaders.  While the Roxbury initiative was voted on, twice, it didn't pass ("Separatist City of ‘Mandela’ : Boston Voting on Proposal to Let Black Areas Secede," Los Angeles Times).  From the Globe article:

The Mandela referendum was defeated overwhelmingly that year and lost again at the polls two years later. Yet the underlying idea behind the movement — to place decision-making power and resources in the Black community’s own hands — survives nearly 40 years later. As voters in those same neighborhoods have worked over the years to choose candidates they feel are most suited to transform Black Boston, the issues of disinvestment, inequality, and underrepresentation that Mandela hoped to address have still been top of mind. ...

The proponents’ asks focused on giving Black people decision-making power. They wanted hard-earned taxpayer dollars to funnel back into these neighborhoods, and not other parts of Boston with more historic investment. They wanted to control development. They wanted better outcomes for students in Boston Public Schools, which was dominated by kids of color. And they wanted full political representation from their blocks, not just the few Black firsts that had penetrated Boston City Hall in the years prior. 

 “It was about ownership,” said Kambon, director of the Black Community Information Center in Roxbury. “We want to control our own destiny. We have the resources and the people power to make it happen.”

Black leaders, black city, no change?  I was thinking about this in terms of how many center cities around that time, majority Black, were starting to become Black led, although this was another 5-8 years after Roxbury.  And how Black elected leadership didn't make a lot of difference to urban outcomes compared to their more recent white predecessors.

Detroit, Cleveland, Chicago (in the 1980s), Washington, DC, Los Angeles were among the cities electing Black mayors.  And Atlanta.

A point in the book Black Social Capital: The Politics of School Reform in Baltimore, 1986-1999 about Black "takeover of public school boards" is pretty apt, that Blacks could get control only once resources for improvement were pretty much dissipated.  The federal government stopped giving extra money to cities, as their needs were increasing.

Atlanta: the city too busy to hate ("How Atlanta became the 'city too busy to hate'," Yahoo).  The difference in success between Atlanta and the others was likely because at the time Atlanta was a growing city, while the others were shrinking.  

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Saturday, March 09, 2024

Gaps in Parks Master Planning: Part One | Defining Levels of Service for individual parks

 Gaps in park master planning frameworks


But while I have written a bunch about parks and transportational access, I didn't think to include that as another topic in the series.  The challenge is to ensure that as many parks as possible are accessible by transit.  This, and other forms of accessibility, should be covered in a parks master plan.


While covid kept me somewhat quiescent in terms of civic involvement in Salt Lake after first moving here, eventually I ended up getting involved in parks (and other development matters).  I am on the board of Sugar House Park, which is owned by both the city and county, so it has some interesting intergovernmental issues. 

Working on revitalization in DC, where the National Park Service runs many of the "local" parks, general federal-local government issues, and being on the board of Eastern Market public market for 13 years definitely prepared me for the issues present here.  

-- "Revisiting Trust for Public Land's Park Score® methodology" (2017)
-- "Federal shutdown as another example of why local jurisdictions should have more robust contingency and master planning processes" (2013)
-- "Testimony: Agency Performance Oversight, DC Department of Parks and Recreation" (2012) 

One problem with the board is that the city and county haven't invested in board development, and for the most part over the years, the board has taken a back seat to the executive branch members of the board--there are seven "lay members" and one each from city and county parks.

My background in planning, including parks planning, gives me/the board a knowledge base they didn't have access to before.  

-- "Sounds familiar to me: recommendations from a guy who visited every park in Boston" (2017): 

There is tension between being a more active or a more passive board.  Lack of investment in board development, and real complications in planning and capital budgeting between city and county have led to some problems.

Fortunately there are a couple of other "new members" who are super go getters too.  We have so much to do.  Without them though, I'd just be an old guy yelling into the wind.  But, like my brief planning job in Baltimore County proved I could do great work and work within a system--despite the lack of a degree in planning, I am helping to transform parks practice in Salt Lake City.

One thing that's interesting given how much I advocated for parks in DC and all the parks master plans I've read over the years, is identifying a number of gaps in the master plan frameworks for parks, more generally.  A bunch of items I just didn't think about until I had to.

This seven-part series covers the gaps I've identified so far.

Level of service as a public administration term

The term Level of Service is typically thought of as a transportation term referring to vehicle throughput, functioning of intersections, etc.  

It turns out that there is an International Standard (ISO 55000) for asset management, which defines levels of service as: 

…parameters, or combination of parameters, which reflect social, political, environmental and economic outcomes that the organization delivers.  These parameters might include metrics such as: 

  • Safety 
  • Customer expectations and satisfaction 
  • Quality 
  • Quantity 
  • Capacity 
  • Reliability 
  • Responsiveness 
  • Environmental acceptability 
  • Availability 
  • Cost

Levels of Service defined at the scale of a park system. LOS is a term used in park planning at the scale of the system ("Standards for Outdoor Recreational Areas," American Planning Association) and it's used to measure the amount of space and facilities available to residents at a gross-grained scale. 

Special levels of service demands for business districts and parks. LOS as a term isn't used that often at the micro scale in discussions about "parks conservancies" and business improvement districts, even though providing a LOS higher than a city can typically afford is exactly why such organizations have been created--and they collect special monies to pay for it.  

For either a BID or a conservancy extra services are likely to include security, sanitation, capital improvements and marketing and for BIDs, economic development activities.  

Conservancies and BIDs as special service districts. NYC is well known for its park conservancies, starting with Central Park.  

-- Public spaces/private money: The Triumphs and Pitfalls of Urban Park Conservancies, Trust for Public Land
-- "Creating a Park Conservancy that Fits," NRPA

Discussions for creating a conservancy for Central Park started in the 1970s and came to fruition in the early 1980s.  The city agreed to provide a certain level of personnel and budget, with transfer of active management of the park to the third party nonprofit, which raised additional monies for staff, maintenance and improvements.

New York City has since developed many such groups for parks and and business districts.  Brooklyn's Prospect Park Alliance was created in 1987 and the Madison Square Park Conservancy in 2003.

The Bryant Park Conservancy was created in 1980 and its revitalization is a well known story in planning circles ("Inside the transformation of Bryant Park," New York Daily News, "Splendor in the Grass," New York Times, Bryant Park case study, "Life of Bryant: Bryant Park’s Transformation Into the Center of Midtown" "Lessons from NYC’s Bryant Park must guide James Weldon Johnson Park’s redesign" Jaxson, "A Place Is Better Than a Plan: Revitalizing urban areas is best done through small improvements, not grand designs,:" City Journal, "Bryant Park, NY: Publicly Owned, Privately Managed, and Financially Self-Supporting" Project for Public Spaces)  and is a good model for other communities--although New York City has an advantage because of its great wealth-- because the park is smaller, only 10 acres,  compared to large scale parks like Central Park or Prospect Park.

Criticism of conservancies and BIDs as privatization of the public space and civic commons.  Note that these kinds of initiatives can be controversial both locally and in the academic literature.  These are legitimate criticisms.  At the same time if you want better places, it costs money and this method may be the only way a community can provide the LOS in terms of management, operations, and capital improvements it wants for its key/anchor/signature civic assets.

-- "Stewarding the City as Commons: Parks Conservancies and Community Land Trusts Community Land Trusts " City University of New York Law Review
-- Private Funding of Public Parks Assessing the Role of Philanthropy , Resources for the Future
-- "Our Parks Are Not for Sale: From the Gold Coast of New York to the Venice Biennale," Dissent
--" Looking a Gift Horse in the Mouth: Challenges in Managing Philanthropic Support for Public Services," Public Administration Review
-- "Park (in)Equity," Deconstructing the High Line: Post Industrial Urbanism and the Rise of the Elevated Park

Sugar House Park is a conservancy.  Technically.  But it hasn't created the innfrastructure and capacity to take advantage of this status.  Plus, Salt Lake City, unlike NYC, isn't full of wealth, although there are plenty of philanthropic opportunities that the park can seek out.  

To my way of thinking, from the standpoint of Social Psychology of Organizations, the group is on the cusp of moving from a more ad hoc structure to one that is more organized and active.  (A move from a stage one organization to stage two.)

Uncleared sidewalks from 1300 East to Sugar House Park.

Levels of Service at the scale of an individual park is an issue with Sugar House Park. 

It's an urban park, a regional park serving all of the County, but it's also heavily used by city as well as neighborhood residents.  The neighborhood is pretty densely populated, leading to even higher use.

But the County, which is contracted to maintain the park, and provides key administrative and planning support, mostly doesn't manage parks in center cities, with all the issues that such park locations may have-- security, homelessness (Dealing With Crime and Disorder in Urban Parks, ASU POP Center) and other issues like snow clearance to maintain winter access that are not typical of suburban parks.

Finding the money to provide the necessary level of "extra service" is difficult because we have to get agreement from both the city and the county, and as park systems, because Sugar House Park is simultaneously part of both, and yet separate, not part of either system, this can be a long process.

At the scale of parks master planning, it's important to come up with a LOS typology for individual parks/parks at the micro scale, and provide the desired LOS as needed.

And that's what I'm in the process of trying to do with Sugar House Park.  

"Why is our meager budget earned from pavilion rentals paying for security?" or "why can't the City Public Utilities agency help pay for dredging the pond since it is part of their watershed?" or "why don't we have better snow clearance?" are the kinds of questions that I've been asking and should lead to significant changes over time.

Developing a LOS dashboard.  I don't manage the park.  The County is developing a dashboard for the park system and individual parks, focused on state of good repair.  To address the issue of differentiated level of service requirements, we need a checklist/chart/dashboard.  That's the best way to justify the recommendations, decisions and choices you make, based on demand for quantity and quality of particular services.  It would include items such as:

  • Security services
  • Restroom services
  • Maintenance standards/State of Good Repair
  • Ornamental plantings
  • Lighting (morning, night, winter)
  • Types of street furniture
  • The array of programming offered
  • The type and operation of facilities
  • Special facilities like bike share stations
  • Snow clearance practice
  • Hours of operation


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Sunday, November 26, 2023

Revisiting Pittsburgh and Allegheny County as an opportunity for city-county consolidation: The "RiversCity" proposal

Partly what got me thinking about city-county consolidation--places like Indianapolis (1970), Knoxville, Macon-Bibb County, Georgia (2012), and what SF and Philadelphia did in the 1800s--was seeing mention of a Brookings Institution report about Pennsylvania c. 2003 (Back to Prosperity: A Competitive Agenda for Renewing Pennsylvania), and it mentioning how so many of the micro jurisdictions across the state including in Allegheny County, where Pittsburgh is, lacked the financial capacity to serve their residents.

Plus I attended a conference in Louisville Kentucky in 2004, just as they were beginning to consolidate the city and county after a successful vote to do so (A 10-Year Perspective of the Merger of Louisville and Jefferson County, KY, Abell Foundation, "How merger reshaped Louisville, Jefferson County and metro development," Louisville Public Media/NPR).

It was probably easier for Louisville because Knoxville city and Knox County had merged some functions--but not the city and county--years before.

Later I suggested this for Baltimore City and County ("Opinion: What Baltimore and D.C. can do to start working better together as a region (Baltimore Business Journal op-ed," 2016), and I support efforts to do this for St. Louis City and County ("St. Louis: what would I recommend for a comprehensive revitalization program? | Part 1: Overview and Theoretical Foundations," 2021).  I also think Detroit should do it, but ideally with Oakland County!, not Wayne.

It turns out that ten years before Brookings, Professor David Miller (now deceased) of the University of Pittsburgh suggested a proto version of this, a concept called "Rivers City," not for the entire county and not for Pittsburgh but for the various small communities in what is called the Lower Mon(ongahela) Valley ("Small Western Pennsylvania towns weigh merits of merging some public services," Pittsburgh Post-Gazette).

The economic circumstances they face are issues common to that of municipal finance for communities and metro areas across the country, which I wrote about in "The real lesson from Flint Michigan is about municipal finance" (2016).

Basically our local government finance systems were set up when the country was growing.  They don't work well in changed circumstances.

In the Lower Mon Valley, communities are resistant, believing rightly that they are unique.  Although really, they are not exceptional, and economically at least, they should merge to have greater taxing and funding capacity.  

Those communities haven't merged, but over the years, because of their minimal financial capacity, they have merged services, like police and fire departments.  This phenomenon has been happening across the country for the past couple decades in places like New Jersey, Suburban Detroit, and Salt Lake County.

According to the article, 39 communities make up "Rivers City," ranging in population from 232 to 23,000. The communities total 209,000 in population, while Pittsburgh is about 306,000 and the total county population is 1.238 million.

From the article:

“A lot of these really small towns have now been in a position for about 30 years where they just don't have the tax base necessary to support the full slate of services that they had been used to previously,” Mr. Dougherty said. “And I'll be honest: our response to them has largely been, heal thyself, mostly through service cuts.” 

If it isn’t service cuts, then it’s consolidation — many fire and police departments are either decertifying their operations or merging with nearby departments, Mr. Dougherty said. And it’s likely that sort of functional consolidation, rather than municipal consolidation, will occur in the coming months and years, he said.

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Tuesday, September 19, 2023

Incrementalism as a concept of iterative improvement in government project development no longer a legitimate public administration theory

As an advocate, my experience with trying to do "new things" in government, is that you only get one chance to do it right.  That there isn't enough social, organizational, community, and financial capital to take up the issue again--to expand it, improve it, etc.

DC streetcar advocates are holding a community event to advocate for expansion of the streetcar to Ward 7, which DC Council recently defunded.  

A perfect example is the DC streetcar.  It took 13 years to make it operational after planning first started--by contrast it took Seattle four years, and they've since expanded.  

And for the most part, DC City Councilmembers aren't interested in putting out the money to expand it to make it more useful.  Ironically, originally there were supposed to be multiple lines.  

Even though transit usage is much reduced in DC post-covid, I don't think DC elected officials understand how central transit is to the city's competitive advantage and identity.  That even so, transit (and sustainable mobility) is what distinguishes DC from the suburbs and that you need more of it to continue to differentiate DC as a place to choose to live and conduct business.

Or the Norfolk light rail.  It was supposed to go to Virginia Beach, but with opposition they cut that part from the project, expecting that once the system started operating, there'd be a clamoring to expand ("As light rail nears in Norfolk, Virginia Beach begins to reconsider previous decisions to not participate," 2009).  Nope, in 2015, plans to move forward were scuttled, seemingly forever ("Virginia Beach was right to reject light rail extension," Norfolk Virginian-Pilot).  And as a result, the Norfolk light rail is pretty much a failure, with ridership less than a DC bus line.

I remember arguing with a past director of the DC Historic Preservation Office, who was trying to get the city to approve the concept of "conservation districts" as opposed to historic districts.  Historic districts have a lot more protection, CDs, minimal.  She argued that a CD could transition to an HD.  I said communities don't have the energy (various types of "capital") to go through such a process twice. Let alone the city the energy to approve the concept.  She didn't last long.  Etc.

There are many such examples in government.

Another one is the Hudson-Bergen Light Rail, which doesn't include Bergen County.  It was conceptualized as a waterfront adjacent line connecting Hudson and Bergen Counties in New Jersey.

It opened in 2001 and was completed in 2011, serving Hudson County only, and a recent proposal to finally extend it to Bergen has been further delayed ("Three decades later, the Hudson-Bergen Light Rail line still has no Bergen spur. How come?," North Jersey Herald).  

So for 12 years, and now longer, no Bergen County section.

Incrementalism is a public administration theory proposed in the 1950s by Charles Lindblom.  I think though that I'm arguing something slightly different.  

He said that incremental project development is much more likely than the creation and implementation of big projects based on a formal rational decision making process.  From Encyclopedia Brittanica:

Incrementalism was first developed in the 1950s by the American political scientist Charles E. Lindblom in response to the then-prevalent conception of policy making as a process of rational analysis culminating in a value-maximizing decision. Incrementalism emphasizes the plurality of actors involved in the policy-making process and predicts that policy makers will build on past policies, focusing on incremental rather than wholesale changes. Incrementalism has been fruitfully applied to explain domestic policy making, foreign policy making, and public budgeting. 

Lindblom regarded rational decision making as an unattainable ideal. To function properly, rational-comprehensive decision making must satisfy two conditions that are unlikely to be met for most issues: agreement on objectives and a knowledge base sufficient to permit accurate prediction of consequences associated with available alternatives.

From that standpoint he's right. Incremental versus a beautiful, complete, big concept.  That hasn't changed.

What I'm arguing that the concept of incrementalism in government as iterative improvement is flawed because in reality you don't get second chances to improve or extend projects.  They take so long anyway.  Therefore, try to do it right and "the best" from the outset.  The likelihood of your getting the opportunity to fix, improve, extend is minimal.

Another example is the Suburban Maryland Purple Line light rail.  I first read about the concept in a cover story in the Washington City Paper in 1987!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!  It will open a section, finally, in 2027.  40 YEARS LATER!!!!

The section of the Purple Line that will open in 2027 is from Bethesda to New Carrollton.

But there is zero planning, zero planning, on extending it further, either west to Tysons in Virginia on the north, or further west in Maryland and to Alexandria, Virginia on the south.

And another failure in planning is failure to leverage such additions to the transit network to further improve and extend the existing network.

-- "Codifying the complementary transit network improvements and planning initiatives recommended in the Purple Line writings," 2022

And Maryland just announced a massive plan to rebuild the American Legion Bridge, connecting Maryland and Virginia, with zero plans for transit! ("Maryland pursues publicly funding Beltway relief project," Washington Post, "American Legion Bridge would be even more congested without transit, study says," Fairfax Now).

Wow.

So examples when what I call "Transformational Projects Action Planning" actually happen, such as in Bilbao ("Why can't the "Bilbao Effect" be reproduced? | Bilbao as an example of Transformational Projects Action Planning," 2017), are beyond remarkable.

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Wednesday, January 18, 2023

Revisiting yet again the Capital Crescent Trail underground tunnel debacle: Bethesda/Purple Line light rail

I haven't been writing so much lately because I am in a depressed phase where it seems to me that the capacity of government to be innovative is minimal.  

I was talking about my writing the other day and I said, half the pieces are about innovation, the other half are about poor decision making.

Last year I wrote about the ongoing cost issues wrt keeping the underground tunnel for the Capital Crescent Trail, which goes under Wisconsin Avenue in Downtown Bethesda.  

 -- "Revisiting the Purple Line light rail project in Suburban Maryland | the tunnel in Bethesda for the Capital Crescent Trail" (2022)

For various reasons, a tunnel is expensive and presents some serious negatives in terms of opportunity costs and reductions in the benefits and possibilities for the light rail connection at the Bethesda Metrorail Station (on the Red Line).

For those reasons, 10 years ago, I said it was better to shift to an at-grade crossing, done extranormally well such as how the Indianapolis Cultural Trail is configured but with a traffic signal, and put the money not spent into other bicycle support infrastructure.

-- "Purple line and the bicycle trail conflict" (2012) 

After all, the point should be to create a stronger bikeways network overall, a system!

Bicycle Traffic as a system, diagram, German National Bicycle Plan, 2002-2012

It comes up again because according to the Washington Post ("New Capital Crescent Trail tunnel could be delayed as costs grow"), now the cost of a tunnel is over $80 million.  From the article:

Montgomery County Executive Marc Elrich (D) proposed Tuesday to delay building a tunnel to continue carrying the Capital Crescent Trail beneath downtown Bethesda, saying its growing cost, now estimated at up to $82.5 million, is too expensive.

Under Elrich’s proposal, an expected 2½ years of tunnel construction would start sometime after mid-2028, beyond the county’s six-year capital spending plan. That would delay its opening until at least late 2030, four years after the adjacent light-rail Purple Line is scheduled to begin carrying passengers in late 2026.

Elrich’s timeline, trail advocates say, would violate the county’s long-held promise to reopen an underground trail crossing in tandem with the state’s Purple Line. Montgomery leaders publicly assured the trail would continue to carry cyclists and runners beneath busy Wisconsin Avenue after the state sought to use the original trail tunnel for the Purple Line’s Bethesda station.

It's pretty obvious why this stuff depresses me.  

It takes years and years to build infrastructure as it is.  And so much time in so many instances is further wasted, and costs escalate, because of poor consideration of options, lack of understanding about constraints and cost benefit analysis, and the resulting bad decision making.

Especially because in this case, an underground tunnel makes it even more difficult to extend the Purple Line west (over the American Legion Bridge), which should be a priority, which should be being planned for now, and it isn't ("As the American Legion Bridge turns 60, its traffic woes draw scrutiny," Post).

The American Legion Bridge, seen during an evening rush hour in early December, has some of the worst traffic congestion in the Washington region. (Jahi Chikwendiu/The Washington Post)

This isn't difficult stuff.

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Wednesday, October 19, 2022

Rampant management failure #2: DC area Metrorail (Washington Area Metropolitan Transit Authority)

Nothing new here:

-- "What to do about DC area Metrorail?," 2022
-- "Sometimes you have to wonder if transit/transit projects are being deliberately screwed up to make transit expansion almost impossible," 2022
-- "A tenure of failure doesn't deserve encomiums: Paul Wiedefeld, WMATA CEO," 2022
-- "WMATA is pathetic: of course it belongs to "the public"," 2022
-- "DC area transit commission board member thinks he has a brilliant idea on how to fund Metrorail: sales taxes ," 2022

But recent coverage ("Metro makes case for funding as regional leaders point to federal government," Washington Post) on how WMATA needs more financial support given ridership drop offs due to covid, but also accentuated by massive management and operational failures, reminds me of one of my learnings through observation about WMATA and government.  

It's best to line up support and funding, when you're wildly successful.

It's really hard when you're failing.

From the article:

Metro’s prospects for replacing hundreds of millions of dollars in fare revenue that vanished during the pandemic appeared to be waning as stimulus money runs dry, particularly as weary elected officials watch the agency struggle during a year-long train shortage.

In recent days though, Metro has escalated its sense of urgency in finding more revenue, trying to make the case to regional leaders that it can’t move forward alone. The transit agency took the first step this month, saying it will increase enforcement of fare evasion to stanch a $40 million leak — a move that eased tensions with political leaders who were hesitant to offer more money.

Some of those same local leaders are responding with a plan of their own: Convince the federal government, whose workforce is Metro’s largest customer base, to subsidize the system’s operational costs. Unlike the local and state jurisdictions that fund Metro, federal money goes only to the agency’s capital budget but not to its separate operating budget — a distinction local officials have long said is inequitable.

Good luck with that.

WMATA should have lined up multiple and steady sources of revenue--like sales taxes and other sources--when it was new, shiny, and successful, basically, in the late 1970s and throughout the 1980s, as the system opened and expanded.

-- "Funding WMATA by a regional sales tax," 2017

Also see, "Creativity Helps Rochester's Transit System Turn a Profit," New York Times (2008). The director then, Mark R. Aesch, later wrote a book about his experience there, Driving Excellence: Transform Your Organization's Culture -- And Achieve Revolutionary Results.  It's worth a read.

The article discusses how the Regional Transit Service in Rochester New York developed "partnership" funding agreements with schools, colleges, and businesses to provide financial support beyond farebox revenue, to support mutual agreed upon objectives.

RTS did this when they were successful, so that when the 2008 recession hit, they were well placed to operate and survive financial setbacks that crippled other transit authorities who were not as well situated.

But it is also a management failure of local government.  Admittedly, oversight-wise, WMATA has a hard slog, as the State of Virginia, State of Maryland, and DC are "co-owners" now alongside the federal government.   They all have to agree on major decisions.  And the State governments can vary wildly on their support.  For example, one reason there are tolls on I-66 is to indirectly encourage DC-based businesses to relocate to Virginia to avoid tolls.

Plus at the county/DC scale, different jurisdictions have different goals for the service.  DC and Arlington County have a much more transit-centric planning paradigm than the others, who see transit as more about getting their residents to and from their jobs in the city.

Northern Virginia elected officials and stakeholders tend to be reasonably forward (not necessarily visionary) about the role of transit in the success of their communities, especially Arlington and Fairfax Counties--the latter because they think it can repattern land use along the Silver Line.

DC officials don't seem to get how the city's competitive advantage as a sustainable mobility-centric community ("DC is a market leader in Mobility as a Service (MaaS)," 2018, "Transportation and Urban Form: Stages in the Spatial Evolution of the American Metropolis," "Planning for place/urban design/neighborhoods versus planning for transportation modes: new 17th Street NW bike lanes | Walkable community planning versus "pedestrian" planning," 2021) is built upon high frequency heavy rail transit service.

Since I got involved in urban revitalization I've argued that DC had five competitive advantages: 

1. historic architecture
2. urban form (urban design) dating from the walking and transit city eras of urban development, therefore supporting walkability, transit, and biking
3. historicity and identity (the nexus of people, historic architecture, and urban design)
4. a transit-centric mobility infrastructure that frees people from dependence on the automobile
5. the steady employment engine of the federal government

And that they need to be all over Metrorail and Metrobus in terms of management and oversight.  (For more than a decade I suggested that DC create a Transportation Commission, comparable to the Zoning Commission, to provide greater opportunities for oversight and involvement, both for elected and appointed officials, and citizen members. And that the WMATA Board should be elected.)

Just like DC's public housing fiasco, where 25% of the units are uninhabitable, the massive failures of Metrorail could have been avoided through the execution of sound management, accountability systems, and constant, ongoing oversight.

It's an asset and risk management failure of massive proportions.

=========

From "Funding WMATA by a regional sales tax":

26 ways to tax to fund transit
(Based on the report, Big Move Implementation Economics: Revenue Tool Profiles, produced for Metrolinx Toronto by AECOM and KPMG)

• Auto Insurance Tax
• Car Rental Fee
• Carbon Tax (including Low/No Carbon Zones in center cities)
• Cordon/Congestion Charge
• Corporate Income Tax
• Development Charges/Impact Fees
• Driver’s License Tax
• Employer Payroll Tax (Versement Transport)
• Fare Increases
• Fare Surcharges (There is a fare surcharge to use the SFO Airport via the BART system; "BART cuts surcharge for SFO workers," San Francisco Chronicle; Boston's Logan Airport is considering surcharges for passenger drop off and pickup to encourage use of transit, "Dropping off a friend at Logan? It could cost you," Boston Globe)
• Fuel Tax
• High Occupancy Tolls
• Highway Tolls
• Hotel & Accommodation Levy (Hawaii is about to approve this type of tax to help fund the commuter rail system in Honolulu, "After reaching deal, lawmakers to meet for special session on Honolulu rail funding," Hawaii News Now)
• Income Tax
• Land Transfer Tax
• Land Value Capture
• New Vehicle Sales Tax
• Parking Sales Tax
• Parking Space Levy
• Property Tax
• Sales Tax
• Tax Increment Financing (Special Assessment Districts)
• Utility Levy
• Vehicles Kilometers/Miles Traveled Fee
• Vehicle Registration Surcharges (this is allowed in Washington State, through what is called a Transportation Benefits District, and in the Puget Sound, a Regional Transit Authority fee for Sound Transit)

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Public housing administration as a measure of government (in)competence

 DC received a scathing report from HUD about the failures in managing the city's public housing stock of 8,000 units, 25%--2,000-are vacant because most are uninhabitable ("D.C. Housing Authority’s leadership is failing, HUD report says," Washington Post).  From the article:

A damning, 72-page report the agency authored portrays a housing authority in disarray and at risk of defaulting on its agreement with the federal government. Auditors catalogued 82 findings of deficiencies that DCHA must make substantial progress on within three months or risk escalating actions by HUD, which delivered its findings to DCHA in recent days.

The sweeping findings detailed in the report, a copy of which was reviewed by The Washington Post, reveal dangerous conditions at properties that form one of the last lines of defense for District residents who cannot afford homes, including violence, lead-paint hazards, out-of-code plumbing, water damage and mold. A DCHA maintenance foreman told HUD evaluators that emergency work orders are not addressed at night due to safety concerns. Prospective tenants turn down units for fear of crime, the report states.

HUD noted that DCHA’s occupancy rate is the lowest of any large public housing authority in the nation, with one in four of its roughly 8,000 physical units vacant. The vacancies result in fewer people housed and millions of dollars every year in forgone income, the report said. It attributed the issue to management failure and said the vacancies have accelerated the agency’s steadily deteriorating financial condition.

The City Council is worked up about it ("D.C. Council votes for $8 billion Medicaid contracts, housing overhaul," Post).  And the leader of the DCHA board says they're working on it ("We already are working on making the D.C. Housing Authority better," Post).

Ironically, under the Williams Administration--1998-2006--the resuscitation of the DC Housing Authority was one of the city's great accomplishments, and the director, Michael Kelly, was even detailed by HUD to help fix failing authorities in Philadelphia and New York City.

What happened in the intervening 16 years?  ("DC Housing Authority Director Resigns, Post).  

Note that a couple years ago under the previous board chair, also appointed by Mayor Bowser, DCHA was tied up in a conflict of interest matter by the then President of the board, who steered contracts to his girlfriend ("D.C. Housing Authority Board Chair Neil Albert Will Resign," Washington City Paper).  The funny thing was the "girlfriend" was eminently qualified.  And successful enough that she didn't need the work.   All he needed to do was disclose and recuse and it would have been legal.  But he didn't.

How are these multiple failures not an indictment of the capacity of the DC Government to manage and act?  ("HUD report on D.C. public housing should outrage and embarrass residents," opinion column by Colbert King, Post).  From the article:

The U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development’s scathing report on management and operational shortcomings in the D.C. Housing Authority has documented more than 80 deficiencies ranging from inadequate management to lack of knowledge of a host of basic housing functions to 220 contracts awarded in violation of DCHA procurement policy. The unearthed defects and failures are so serious that without immediate remedial action, HUD has threatened to declare the District in default of its federal contract. D.C. residents have every reason to be outraged and embarrassed by this latest government fiasco.

Among the glaring weaknesses cited was the leadership of the DCHA’s executive director, Brenda Donald. Donald, who earns a salary of $275,000, “has no experience in property development, property management or managing federal housing programs,” the audit notes. During the HUD review, Donald accepted the need for HUD-supplied training for herself and staff on critical functions of housing programs. That speaks volumes.

HUD also found a DCHA workforce lacking in the capacity to perform even the most basic financial, procurement and housing-related functions. The agency, HUD said bluntly, is failing “to provide decent, safe, and sanitary housing opportunities for residents in violation of program requirements.”

At the heart of the problem is abysmal financial and operational oversight — a searing indictment of D.C. leadership, since the DCHA’s 13-member Board of Commissioners is dominated by Mayor Muriel E. Bowser’s six D.C. Council-approved appointees and her chief of staff and deputy mayor for planning and economic development, John Falcicchio, who is an ex officio member.

John Kotter’s Eight Step Model for Leading Change

It definitely shows lack of accountability and no sense of urgency to act-2,000 units could house at least 4,000 people.  

 One of the points I make these days is boards need to have as part of their monthly reports, lists of open items.  In the case of DCHA, the number of vacant units needs to be an element of such reporting and monitoring.  

(When I was a student "activist" at the University of Michigan, I read the monthly Regent Board Meeting packet, which was the equivalent of a looseleaf folder, as many as 1,000 pages.  One of the items was a listing of all open litigation.  The way the Board reports were organized there, listing plan versus actual, and the various open items for action in many areas is a model.)

I know that technically, DC Housing Authority is a quasi-independent agency.  But it is not truly independent.  The board is appointed by the mayor and city council.  The employees are considered DC Government employees.  The agency reports to the mayor.

It's also a failure of elected officials to not see themselves as "asset managers" and "risk managers."

-- "Town-city management: "We are all asset managers now"," 2015
-- "Municipal Natural Assets Planning Initiative, British Columbia," 2018

What's up?

Performance dashboards.  I've been thinking about them a lot lately.  For example, I think that the Orange County Register dashboard on covid is best practice, and a model for how local media can present and track data.

In the summer we visited a rural area of Montana, and the kindling box for the fireplace in the cabin we were in was full of previous year's issues of the Bozeman Daily Chronicle and some farming publications.  Of course, I skimmed them all.  

And the farming section of one (although it might have been a different paper, for Idaho) had good graphics on the water levels in various reservoirs.  But the data, presented as easily understood graphics, needs to be made more widely available, beyond those involved in agriculture.

I was thinking that such a graphic needs to be built into an online water availability dashboard in the State of Utah, which faces serious drought, but it turns out as a whole the state has the lowest cost of water and a middling track record for conservation ("For Mormons, a perfect lawn is a godly act. But the drought is catching up with them," Guardian).

Similarly, an online dashboard for a public housing authority, also made available to citizens, should have data on the number of unavailable units, overall, and by building, with the budgeted/expected percentage, which I think should be less than 5%, and the length of time each unit is out of service.

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Monday, October 26, 2020

Coronavirus series in the Financial Times and the failures and successes of governance

 The Financial Times has a multi-part series on the pandemic, "Coronavirus: Could the world have been spared?"

You can argue it's related to the discussion about what Alon Levy calls "state capacity" or what we might call "state competence."  Levy writes about transit and the increasingly inability of local and regional governments to be successful at expanding it.  

In "One thing that Portland doesn't get accolades for: Getting S***/Stuff Done when it comes to sustainable mobility infrastructure," I discuss how Portland is an outlier (and Oklahoma City too, but for different kinds of projects) in its 50 year history of taking on transportation projects successfully, including adding and integrating multiple transit modes into one network.

There are some gaps in the FT series.  For example, I'd have included a piece on Asian countries other than China, specifically Taiwan, South Korea, Hong Kong, and Singapore, and their success mostly and failures (a couple) at responding to the coronavirus, which would have furthered the lessons.  

Another important article to include would have been on the massive failures by the CDC and the FDA, not just because of control by the President's office and the HHS higher ups, but because of execution failures and ossification and an unwillingness to act outside of traditional regulatory processes in terms of speed.  As well as control of the data ("Why Can’t We See All of the Government’s Virus Data?," New York Times) etc.


Note that the Wall Street Journal has also been running an ongoing series on response to the coronavirus which is excellent as well: "The Covid Storm;" and they've focused more on the US and have some of the articles that I wished would have also been in the FT series, such as on the failure of the FDA to authorize tests and expanded testing by various types of laboratories ("What Derailed America’s Covid Testing: Three Lost Weeks").

The pieces address China, Europe, New York ("How New York’s missteps let Covid-19 overwhelm the US") and Africa, as well as reader responses. 

I'd summarize the lessons as:

1.  Many countries, not just authoritarian countries like China, at the outset were more concerned about controlling information and the narrative, than responding.

2.  China's authoritarian focus on control and top-down decision making impeded their response.

3.  But once they hammered out a position on what to do, because they are an authoritarian country, they could respond decisively with great control focused on stamping out the virus.

4.  Most Western countries, because they have limited direct experience with pandemics, but with "run of the mill" flu epidemics, didn't take the threat of the potential of a highly infectious disease seriously. Hundreds of thousands of people have died as a result.

5.  Asian countries had experience with SARS and therefore developed the systems to respond.  They understand the asymmetric position they are in vis a vis China and monitor disease-related events there closely.

6.  Africa, despite its lack of resources, is highly experienced with epidemics and takes them seriously.  It responded more quickly than most Western countries, even though at the time it had almost no cases.

Interesting too is image over substance.  

7.  While people like New York State Governor Andrew Cuomo got lots of accolades for high quality communication and action on the coronavirus, the reality is that his failure to respond with alacrity cost up to 20,000 lives.

From the article on the response in New York:

Mr Cuomo has been hailed for how he fought the ensuing fire, calmly informing the public and marshalling resources. His new book contrasts his crisis management skills with an incompetent national response. But a closer examination of those crucial early weeks tells a less flattering story, of divisions between New York and Washington; the governor and the mayor; the mayor and his health department; and the city’s richest and poorest hospitals. 
Many of those divisions persist, raising questions about how many lessons have been learnt from New York’s fraught spring as it enters the winter with cases climbing once more. ...  
Our understanding of coronavirus has improved since March, but interviews with dozens of the people at the centre of New York’s response show that its leaders were warned of the threat and could have acted faster. 
 ... New York’s leaders were trying to quell fears, not rouse them. ... 
Scares over previous epidemics hitting New York had proved unfounded, and the mayor and governor were treating the disease like Ebola — preparing for isolated cases, not a rampant outbreak. But Michael Osterholm, a University of Minnesota epidemiology professor, believes the public health community “lost six weeks” because they saw coronavirus as less of a threat than a flu pandemic. It was “more than a fog”, he says. “It was like Jell-O.”

This particular piece of mine is good on linking more closely public health and health care systems, albeit not just for pandemics but for chronic health conditions:

-- "More communities need to integrate health care and public health programming: Prince George's County, DC, etc."

In the comments thread on that entry, I add links to new relevant information and concepts as I come across them.

American exceptionalism.  While yes, there is the trope of American exceptionalism, the pandemic shows that plenty of countries, not just the United States, have a form of exceptionalistic thinking which means that much of the time they aren't particularly interested in scanning other places for examples of better practice.

(One counter to this, although it's a trend in academia and the information gathered and knowledge created probably tends to stay within academia despite the attempts at dissemination are the think tanks created that have "Observatory" in their name, such as the Observatory on Latin America at the New School.)

Fareed Zakaria had a column on this topic a couple months ago ("What sets apart countries that successfully handled the pandemic? Failure," Washington Post).  I disagree with his conclusion--that previous failures better prepared the countries that best responded to the coronavirus, but then, I've always been oriented to gathering best practice ideas from "elsewhere," be it another university, a journal, different academic disciplines, other states, and later, different countries.

I'd say not failure, but having to respond because they had no other choice, was the "secret" to their success.

When I first got involved in urban revitalization, I paid a lot of attention to best practice in other cities, especially cities more economically challenged than Washington, DC, like Pittsburgh--at the time, or Baltimore.

My line about them was that they had "a desperate willingness to be innovative, because they had no other choice."

Economic success too often breeds complacency.  And complacency is the biggest problem in governance in the US, at all levels.

It's why many cities and states are doing a bad job expanding transit and taking care of infrastructure.  It's why the federal government is failing at responding to disasters like Hurricane Katrina or Hurricane Maria, which devastated Puerto Rico.  

The WMATA train crash at Fort Totten in Washington, DC, in 2009 killed 9 and is a perfect of complacency and governance and operational failure.  The problem with signal communication had come up previously, but train crashes had been avoided.  Rather than accepting that these incidents were indicators of deeper, systemic problems, the managers of the subway operations focused on system uptime. Photo: US Transport Society.

Complacency is built upon disinvestment in government--people, capacity, material, etc.  The US has been able to muddle through for a long time since Reagan ushered in neoliberalism and a continued disinvestment in government capacity and tax receipts, because of the high level of investment in government and infrastructure before then.

Photo:  Emergency crews work at the scene after the Interstate 35W bridge over the Mississippi River in Minneapolis collapsed on Aug. 1, 2007.  Photo: Scott Takushi / St. Paul Pioneer Press, "The day a bridge collapsed in Minneapolis and lives changed forever."

The bridge collapsed because of faulty maintenance and inspection.  Thirteen people died and 145 were injured.

But finally, that previous level of "over" investment has been exhausted, tapped out, and failure is now much more frequent. As long as the Republicans control significant swathes of government, disinvestment will intensify ("Stunning' Executive Order Would Politicize Civil Service," Government Executive; "Trump’s historic assault on the civil service was four years in the making," Washington Post).

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Wednesday, October 07, 2020

Planning books to read for National Community Planning Month

October is National Community Planning Month.

===============

Most of these books, aren't necessarily what you read in a planning policy or public administration class, more books about cities and not particularly "technical," but if you read them all, you'd be well prepared to understand urban revitalization.

And I've only listed books that I've read completely.  Compiling the list makes me realize there I some books I need to fully read like Economy of Cites, Getting There: The Epic Struggle between Road and Rail in the American Century, Fighting Traffic: The Dawn of the Motor Age in the American City, Life between Buildings and Cities for People by Jan Gehl etc.

Hopefully I'll read Learning from Bryant Park sometime this month and write about it...

Although I do say if you're only going to read one book, read Cities: Back from the Edge by Roberta Gratz.  That's for cities.  

Reclaiming our cities and towns is essential for understanding transportation.

The centrality of cities and how they function

Death and Life of Great American Cities -- Jane Jacobs, the classic.  Four key elements for successful cities: population density; mixed primary use; a network of blocks and grids; and a large stock of old buildings.

Cities: Back from the Edge -- by Roberta Gratz, a Jacobs acolyte.  I think of it and an earlier book, The Living City, as primers putting the concepts laid out by JJ into practical, real terms.

Urban Fortunes: Towards a Political Economy of Place -- outlines the "Growth Machine" thesis, that local political and economic elites are united around a pro-growth, real estate development focused agenda, and defines "use" and "exchange" value of place

Cities in Full -- is more technical than the other books, putting numbers to Jane Jacobs, although  the numbers it presents about the level of population needed to support neighborhood commercial districts need updating in the face of e-commerce and retail consolidation.  Lays out the vitally important concept of polycentric versus monocentric transit systems.

If you're more technically inclined, it's the other "one best book" to read.

Next American City: The Big Promise of Our Midsized Metros -- by Mick Cornett, the Republican former mayor of Oklahoma City.  Lays out the value of investing in community and social infrastructure--civic assets--as a way to build place, create community, and attract new investment.

Housing/Neighborhood revitalization

Pocket neighborhoods is beautifully written and illustrated, and is about middle housing types, like courtyard housing.  

The Divided City and Bringing Buildings Back by Alan Mallach are important contributions to thinking about housing and revitalization in weaker market cities.  

I don't know of a great book on "multiunit" housing per se.

Social infrastructure and civic assets

Palaces For The People: How Social Infrastructure Can Help Fight Inequality, Polarization, and the Decline of Civic Life -- Eric Klinenberg.  Lays out the value of social infrastructure as the glue of successful communities.

(This is where Learning from Bryant Park goes.)

Historic preservation

Changing Places: Rebuilding Community in the Age of Sprawl -- a great discussion of the value of historic preservation to community stabilization and improvement.  It's out of print but I think is a better introduction to the value of HP than more recently published books.

Future of the Past: A Conservation Ethic for Architecture, Urbanism, and Historic Preservation -- argues against the modern interpretation of how to handle new or replacement buildings in historic districts, calling for architecture of its place and context, not time

Transportation

Reclaiming our cities and towns: Better living with less traffic -- by the Australian David Engwicht, this lays out the role of transportation in cities and the value of exchange of all types as the driving force for agglomeration; the author coined the "transportation demand management" concept recognizing that if people got around more efficiently and not necessarily by the car, you wouldn't need to constantly widen roads.

Public Safety

People won't live in cities if they aren't safe.

Fixing Broken Windows -- the theory transmogrified into zero tolerance policing.  FBW makes the point that places where decay is allowed to fester are less safe than those that are maintained.  But the execution of the theory into policing practice ignored the recommendation to invest in places, not just policing.

Code of the Street/Streetwise -- by Elijah Anderson, anthropological studies of inner city Philadelphia and the challenge of middle class versus street culture in the context of personal and public safety.

Urban design

City: Rediscovering the Center -- William Whyte was the editor of Fortune Magazine, and an article ("Downtowns Are For People") he commissioned by Jane Jacobs led to her getting a contract to write Death and Life.  He was an early proponent of focused study of urban spaces for pro-people urban design interventions.  His study of how people actually use spaces informs this book.

How to Turn a Place Around -- separately, the group Project for Public Spaces grew out of this work, and this book outlines their community-involved ground up approach for initiating and creating urban design improvements in neighborhoods and other public places.

Maybe Jeff Speck's Walkable City Rules: 101 Steps to Making Better Places.  There's a lot I don't like about how it's organized, but in terms of it being an accessible listing of "what you can do to make cities more livable in practical, achievable ways" it's a nice primer.  (Although there's a lot of distance to cover between the 2-page description of a "step" and making it happen.)

Creating a Vibrant City Center by Cy Paumier.

Urban Economics

(This is where Economy of Cities goes.)

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Thursday, July 02, 2015

Baltimore Police Department change at the top

Perhaps the biggest lesson in the death of Freddie Gray as a result of misfeasance on the part of Baltimore Police Department officers while he was in their custody is that the problem of police department conduct isn't specifically an issue of race, given that the majority of Baltimore City's leadership and much of the top command of the Police Department is African-American.

Today, Baltimore Mayor Stephanie Rawlings-Blake fired the chief, Anthony Batts ("Mayor replaces Police Commissioner Anthony W. Batts," Baltimore Sun).

The issue then becomes, who do you replace him with?  How do you find a change agent who can appropriately change the culture of the department (see "How "Police Departments" Become Corrupt").  And can they change the department?

In DC, we have that issue with the fire department ("DC's fire department is in the same situation as WMATA in terms of the necessity of a redesign of culture and behavior through a human factors approach").  I was surprised when the Bowser Administration announced that Gregory Dean agreed to become chief, as he led the Seattle Fire Department, including their national best practice EMS section, for more than 10 years.  It will be interesting to see if he is successful in changing the culture of the DC fire department.

I have three nominees for Mayor Rawlings-Blake, all from California.

1.  Kenton Rainey, chief of the BART Transit Police Department, which became infamous as a result of the killing of Oscar Grant by a police officer at the Fruitvale Station, when Grant and others were returning from New Year's Eve festivities, and were allegedly involved in a fight that BART police officers were responding to.  A movie was made on the incident and BART let the film crew use the station for filming, something most government agencies wouldn't have done.

Rainey was brought in to improve the agency and by most accounts, he has ("Auditor Finds Improved BART Police Force Since Oscar Grant Shooting," CBS San Francisco).

2.  Chris Magnus, chief of the Richmond, California Police Department ("Northern California Chief's New Approach Revitalizes Force," New York Times; "Police Violence Is Not Inevitable: Four Ways a California Police Chief Connected Cops With Communities," Yes Magazine; "Chief's joining the demonstrators sends a message," Contra Costa Times). 

He received a lot of publicity lately when he also took part in a demonstration, holding a "Black Lives Matter" sign.  The local police union was not pleased.

In any case, he's considered a model of a police chief focused on re-engaging the police department with the community and reducing inappropriate use of force by officers ("Richmond police chief admits to stealing - good ideas," AP).

3.  Captain Phil Tingirides of the Los Angeles Police Department, who is one of the leads managing the city's Community Safety Partnership in association with the Housing Authority of the City of Los Angeles ("Los Angeles police department "Community Safety Partnership").

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