Walk Ketchum pedestrian program signage on streetlight poles, Idaho
So simple. Any place can do this.
Labels: bicycle and pedestrian planning, pedestrian planning, urban design/placemaking, visitor services, wayfinding signage systems
"A community’s physical form, rather than its land uses, is its most intrinsic and enduring characteristic." [Katz, EPA] This blog focuses on place and placemaking and all that makes it work--historic preservation, urban design, transportation, asset-based community development, arts & cultural development, commercial district revitalization, tourism & destination development, and quality of life advocacy--along with doses of civic engagement and good governance watchdogging.
So simple. Any place can do this.
Labels: bicycle and pedestrian planning, pedestrian planning, urban design/placemaking, visitor services, wayfinding signage systems
Nick Epley was commuting to work at the University of Chicago when he looked across the train and wondered: Why are all these people sitting elbow to elbow ignoring each other?Epley, a professor of behavioral science, thought about how very lonely people are, and he challenged himself to strike up a conversation with the woman sitting next to him. It changed his life — and led him to write the book “A Little More Social: How Small Choices Create Unexpected Happiness, Health and Connection.”After reading it, I decided to try the experiment myself. For the past month, on my commute to work, at kids’ birthday parties with my daughter, in the elevator at the office and on the street while walking my dog, I’ve been challenging myself to talk to strangers. Would it actually feel good, or just awkward?I’ve always been a fairly outgoing person, but the idea of talking to strangers and befriending acquaintances still made me feel anxious. As I contemplated opening my mouth to talk to the stranger sitting next to me on a nearly-silent bus, I felt as if my jaw was sealed shut by fear. What if she didn’t want to talk to me? What if I said the wrong thing, or she felt like I was bothering her?
Labels: building design/architecture, change-innovation-transformation, civic architecture, discovery research, knowledge management, workforce housing
They should have brought in porta potties. You see the world differently when one of your medications for heart disease is a diuretic (I actually take two different ones).
Labels: parks and recreation planning, public restrooms, tourism, urban design/placemaking, visitor services
I have been so busy with other projects with hard and crunch deadlines, so I haven't had the time to write more about May's two big events, National Bicycle Month and National Historic Preservation Month. I should have some time next week to catch up and finish some partially written entries on the two topics.
This wayfinding sign for the Pioneer Historic Byway and visitor services in Soda Springs, Idaho, list public restrooms as a "destination."On Friday, in "Man peeing in hiding because there are no restrooms," I mentioned how a half mile up from where this guy stopped to pee, is a new public restroom at the Glendale Regional Park.
But why would he know that? There is no wayfinding signage on the bike lane or sidewalk abutting the park that points people to the restroom.
I also pointed out that the Jordan River Parkway signs at the 1700 South entrances, don't list nearby restrooms.
It's understandable for the new park, because Jordan River Commission hasn't updated signage for awhile and the Park just opened its first phase.
But across the street is "the old" Glendale Park and it has restrooms too, and the Parkway signage didn't acknowledge that restroom either, and it's been there for many years.
I suggested that how the Iowa State Department of Transportation's Bicycle Map uses a standard set of icons related to services for bicyclists could also be ported/adapted/adopted for bicycle route signage as well.
Something like this. Hey, I'm not a graphic designer. It could also somehow include the distance and direction to reach these services, just like the signs on the highway do.
Labels: bicycle and pedestrian planning, parks and recreation planning, visitor services, wayfinding signage systems
For her first term, Mayor Mendenhall ran on a platform including planting lots of trees, especially on the West Side of the city where the population is a preponderance of people of color, and there is the belief that the area was systematically disinvested (I happen to think it's more complicated than that, but that's another conversation-blog entry).
The unexpected agenda imposed by real time and ever changing conditions like a massive windstorm, earthquake, and covid pushed that aside.
But a street like this shows the need is still present.
The street is now the main route to a new regional park in West Side's Glendale neighborhood.
We don't plan for this because all government agencies tend to plan only for elements that it controls directly and the roads outside of a park are a transportation department's responsibility. But as I said when I worked for a County, if we don't tell other agencies what we want, think, or have learned wrt intergovernmental matters, they won't ever know what we want.
Being out and about a couple weeks ago I realized a particular street is a main route in and out of Sugar House Park, especially for bicycles, but without a "Safe Routes to Parks" and a "Nice Routes to Parks" program we don't think about it enough. And Departments of Transportation rarely think about it--although in Salt Lake the City has built nice enhanced bike lanes next to two parks. But.... they don't think much about further enhancing decent enough crosswalks.
WRT Sugar House Park I do have plans to try to recapture elements of the eastbound side of 2100 South with a similar lane to Liberty Park, but with big additions of median plantings, plant-themed bus shelters, and a public art treatment of the main intersection into the Park.
It would be complemented by a new entry into the Park with dynamic signage.
1700 South to and from the new Glendale Regional Park deserves a similar treatment.
ESPECIALLY, because it abuts the Jordan River Parkway, which is the trail alongside the River (Blueprint Jordan River Action Plan).
It's a multicounty trail that goes from Provo in Utah County, through Salt Lake County, and ending in Davis County for a total of 48 miles. But it connects to the Legacy Trail which then connects to the Denver and Rio Grade Trail ("Denver and Rio Grande Rail Trail in Davis County, Utah: a great foundation, full of (missed) opportunity"), adding an additional 35 miles. How cool is it that you can move over 80 miles from Provo to Ogden mostly on protected trails!.
Right now there is no integration between the two parks, but that seems to be slated for a later phase. I still have to read the Glendale Regional Park Master Plan ("Pool? Pickleball? Skating? Basketball? Here’s what SLC’s big new park will have," Salt Lake Tribune).
There is the Exchange Club Marina for launching canoes and kayaks but it seems decrepit and unused. It could be replaced and enhanced with equipment for rent, even paddle boats.
And there could be a nature center of some sort like the one by Tracy Aviary at 3900 South and the River in the City of South Salt Lake (Vision).I guess there are plans to revive the decrepit marina, offer kayak rentals and such. At that point, the River is wide enough.
On Saturday I took this photo there, on the Jordan River section.There was also a feral but cute black cat on the west bank, but I wasn't fast enough to photograph it before it snuck away through the plantings.
Labels: bicycle and pedestrian planning, equity planning, green-environment-urban, parks and recreation planning, sidewalks, urban design/placemaking
I am working on a design brief for a new playground for Sugar House Park, for a grant due next Friday.Labels: "dog parks", green-environment-urban, parks and recreation planning, sanitation and solid waste, urban design/placemaking
20+ years ago beginning work on revitalization of the H Street NE corridor in Washington DC, I saw a great photo of a new apartment building with people on balconies in the Los Angeles Times (this was before I used Flickr to store photos so I no longer have a clue on how to find it).Labels: architectural detailing, multiunit housing, urban design/placemaking
This man is stopping to pee in the trees on Jordan River Parkway at 1700 South in Salt Lake City. This is a vote for those Throne restrooms.The funny thing is with the new restrooms at Glendale Regional Park, no more than one mile behind him, he could have peed there.
But unless you know the park, which is brand new and in fact parts are still under construction, you wouldn't know because there isn't pedestrian or bicycle wayfinding signage for restrooms on 1700 South.
It makes me realize more than ever we need to add restroom proximity to wayfinding signage.
There is wayfinding signage on the Jordan River Parkway--although it's often out of date as here it points to "The Waterpark" as a destination and that's now the Glendale Regional Park. It could highlight the restroom too. It can be words like on the sign below, or the pictograms used in highway wayfinding signage systems.
But there isn't signage like that on bike routes. But it would be easy to do by adding it to the bottom of a sign, reserving the bottom section of the sign for "services." I'm pretty sure I thought about that when writing about "Making Cycling Irresistible" but it's been almost 20 years.
The Throne automated restroom could be perfect for other spots on the trail.I don't love their design which could feel discordant in a nature setting. But maybe just having a nature focused mural on three sides would make it fit better.
They are good because they're small and they don't need expensive connections to the water and sewage networks. They have that self contained through tanks, albeit they have to be refilled.
Labels: bicycle and pedestrian planning, parks and recreation planning, parks and trails, public restrooms, wayfinding signage systems
The Washington City Paper reports that the former director of the H Street CDC paid himself more than $1 million of unjustified bonuses, without notifying the board ("Former Housing Nonprofit Director Found To Have Diverted Funds for Six-Figure Bonuses").
This was complicated by the fact that a long time ago, the CDC created a for profit division which allowed them more shenanigans with little oversight. A previous director had created a janitorial service which got the contract to maintain facilities, but as the potential conflict of interest was disclosed, it was allowed, etc. So top staff were able to generate additional revenue streams beyond their paychecks.
The DC Superior Court ruled that Kenneth Brewer, Sr. has to return more than $1.2 million. Looking over the board members mentioned in the article, and on their website, I recognize a bunch of the names still, not all, even though that was 20+ years ago. And I think it's interesting that on the current board there are no white people to reflect neighborhood demographics.
But as the neighborhood improved, the HSCDC could no longer compete in the market for property, so it moved to doing projects in still distressed areas of the city.
Things haven't changed much from 20 years ago.
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Community development corporations were created in the 1960s to stabilize inner city neighborhoods in the face of outmigration. Back then cities had two main types of neighborhoods:
-- areas that could be stabilized: those with building stock that was attractive and that in turn attracted "urban pioneers,"-- basically white people willing to live in the center city when housing choice trends favored the suburbs. Interest rates were high, neighborhoods were run down, city services constrained, and overall the city faced a loss of population. Historic preservation efforts were the primary tool for neighborhood stabilization.
Preservation had the benefit of being low cost to cities. Some regulation and staff time--supported in part by the federal government, and some investments in elements like brick sidewalks and historic facsimile light poles. Otherwise the residents bore the costs of rehabilitation.
-- more distressed areas with a lot of population leakage and a preponderance of low income residents. Cities tended to put their limited resources in these areas on equity grounds. But the return on investment was minimal.
The areas were CDCs were directed to act were istressed and challenging economically. This was complicated/accentuated by and in areas of cities that experienced riots. Riots decimated commercial districts especially, destroying the local micro economy. A lot of housing stock deteriorated.
CDCs were created to address these issues in distressed areas, but mostly focused on what I call "building housing for poor people." Great on equity grounds, but didn't have much positive effect on the micro economy.
Some addressed commercial district issues but mostly focused on housing.
DC did create historic districts in two historically black areas of the city, one East of the River, that remains impoverish, and Le Droit Park, which is better situated in the NW quadrant is pretty central, abuts Howard University and became "gentrified" by income if not originally by race.
Lack of accountability. Many CDCs lacked accountability and much success. Although to be fair, CDCs were given difficult areas to try to fix. The New York Times Magazine ran a cover story, "The Myth of Community Development" in 1994, in excoriating CDCs as an economic lever.
Some were good, some places had too many, there was always more demand for action than money, and the process of financing these kinds of deals was hard, even though back then the US Department of Housing and Urban Development actually provided money to cities for these purposes, which is a far cry from how it's been the last 20 years.
Leinberger's book made the point that before the change in attitudes, 70% of people wanted to live in the suburbs. With the change, it was 30% cities, 30% suburbs, and 40% either. That's changed though since covid.Times changed: c. 2000 and the new demand for urban living. OTOH, with the change in willingness to live in cities around 2000, momentum from private investment of large real estate developers and individual households reached a point of critical mass and was self-replicating. Although distressed areas still lagged, and needed city and other subsidies to fund improvements.
Improvements also came through gentrification and displacement, where relatively low cost housing was bought by people with more money--they weren't necessarily rich but they definitely had more money than the people they may have replaced.
For a long time you didn't see displacement in DC, because with the exception of converting four unit apartment buildings to condos, a lot of the housing that was acquired and renovated had been vacant. After all, the overbuilding of housing in the suburbs left a massive inventory of vacant housing in the cities.
But this started to change after 2000. For example, one subsidized development in Columbia Heights with great views was warehoused to be able to upscale it ("HUD Set To Seize D.C. Housing Complex," Washington Post). I visited that complex as a Census worker in 2000 and I was astounded at the number of vacant units. And the beautiful hill over the city from being on the hill of the escarpment. From the article:
U.S. Housing and Urban Development Secretary Henry Cisneros announced plans yesterday to seize ownership of a federally subsidized apartment complex in Northwest Washington that he said is one of the 100 worst-maintained developments in the country.
There was a reason Now it's a fine example of a market rate development
CDCs are a mixed bag. An organization created in response to urban poverty, the Local Initiatives Support Corporation, was created by the Ford Foundation to provide technical support and access to funds. In some cities, LISC branches were robust and demanded accountability. In other cities LISC was so so and definitely not pushing internal improvement.
Buildings weren't valuable. Design wasn't valuable. Only the ability to assemble land. When I started getting involved, the H Street Community Development Corporation was the primary revitalization actor in the neighborhood. The leadership didn't see any value in the historic building stock and the attractive architectural design it represented, either in the commercial district or the neighborhood, even though just a few blocks south, Capitol Hill was revitalizing because of people attracted to the "pretty buildings" and proximity to the US Capitol Complex and Downtown.
They tore down one of the oldest and most historic buildings to build a s**** looking 3 bay retail unit. And the strip shopping center, now replaced with an amazing building, was typical crap. None of the buildings they constructed were designed sensitively in a manner that would complement and extend the historic architecture of the commercial district and the neighborhood.
It wasn't pretty, but this similar building in Brooklyn that tends to be a restaurant on the ground floor with apartments above show that rehabilitation was possible. The building that replaced it is terrible, and the "second floor" is fake, it's just an extended facade. In fact, I came across that building when it was the Hope & Anchor Diner, and I immediately thought it was relevant to the 8th and H Street NE intersection
The Greater H Street neighborhood had the same conditions, except for poorer residents, and at the time maybe it could have flourished with a residential recruitment program like Live Baltimore, but it would have come with displacement.
In any case, the H Street CDC only saw value in the opportunity to capture and assemble land for bigger projects, and they rebuilt housing that had been frame (worth a lot more today) in 1980s style rowhouses in a number of places around the neighborhood, helped fund a suburban style shopping strip, etc.
Houses built by the H Street CDC on the 700 block of 8th Street NE. While I think they're ugly, some have an asking price of $1+ million. Maybe I'm the person whose position is wrong-headed.They did buy and hold the Atlas Theater, but they wanted to convert the interior to parking, or to build a roller rink. Creating an entertainment focus for the business corridor never crossed their minds.
So when we created the historic preservation focused Main Street commercial district revitalization program for the corridor, complemented by a revitalization plan commissioned by the rejuvenated Office of Planning, we were at odds.
(I wrote about this tension on the anniversary of LISC, "The community development approach and the revitalization of DC's H Street corridor: congruent or oppositional approaches?," in 2013, in response to a laudatory op-ed, "The seeds of the H Street ‘miracle’," in the Post.)
Banner from the Montana Community Development Corporation.I thought CDCs sucked by definition ("The Community Development Corporation Model of Urban Redevelopment: A Political Economy Critique and an Alternative").
But then I went to the National Trust for Historic Preservation conference in Cleveland in 2002, and their CDCs blew me away. It turns out that the philanthropic community joined together to demand accountability and for a bunch of the CDCs to merge, since they covered similar areas, and would have more heft. Funding was dependent on these changes.
That never happened in DC. LISC was weak. A couple CDCs did some decent work, but even then they had a hard time showing quantum improvement.
The Washington Post did a hard hitting series in 2002 ("Falling up -- Accountability and DC Community Development Corporations"). We thought we were vindicated but nothing came of it. And this was when the Post was still doing important local coverage and investigative reporting.
-- "Federal Money Flowed With Little Oversight: City Promises to Cut Off Ineffectual Groups"
-- "D.C. Revitalization Promised, Not Delivered: Nonprofits Collect Millions as Work Goes Undone, Neighborhoods Left With Eyesores"
-'"Risky Ventures, Little Accountability: After Years of Public Funding, Nonprofits Have Completed Few Projects"
-- "Blighted Sites May Revert To D.C.: Revival Has Stalled Under Nonprofits"
-- "$100 Million Down the Drain" [Editorial]
-- "D.C. Housing Authority Fines Nonprofit: Development Group Sold Two Row Houses, Meant for Individuals, to Investor"
I guess that's when I learned that $100 million didn't go very far anyway, let alone when grift and graft is involved.
Conclusion. A few years later the groups won awards from the DC Building Industry Association. And in 2011 the Post ran similar stories ("(Some) Community Development Corporations still screwing up").
Now in 2026, we basically have embezzlement. That's 39 years of experience all right.
All the stuff I've experienced gets referenced in my thinking. The point about accountability mechanisms that I wrote about in terms of best practice revitalization, was based on good and bad examples in Europe in a series I wrote for the EU National Institutes of Culture Washington Chapter on culture based revitalization in Europe.
But we have plenty of our own good and bad examples in the US. DC CDCs and the H Street CDC in particular. Fleetwood Mac sang the song, "You can go your own way." That hasn't worked out so well for DC ("Urban economic development best practice is not found in DC").
Labels: civic engagement, commercial district revitalization planning, community development, community organizing, neighborhood revitalization, urban design/placemaking, urban revitalization