Rebuilding Place in the Urban Space

"A community’s physical form, rather than its land uses, is its most intrinsic and enduring characteristic." [Katz, EPA] This blog focuses on place and placemaking and all that makes it work--historic preservation, urban design, transportation, asset-based community development, arts & cultural development, commercial district revitalization, tourism & destination development, and quality of life advocacy--along with doses of civic engagement and good governance watchdogging.

Friday, March 27, 2026

Reprint with editing: Today WMATA Metrorail's 50th anniversary from the start of service | Part 1: many lessons can be found, if you look

“There are no great cities without great public transit.”
-- Zach Mortice 
writing about Harry Weese, chief architect for the design of Metrorail stations

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"Merch" from the WMATA Store.

Originally published January 8th.  Today is the anniversary of the opening of the first leg of Metrorail on the Red Line between Rhode Island Avenue Station and Farragut North.

Last month, a WMATA Board Member sent out a treat criticizing the LA Metro Board for voting to oppose a California Legislature bill on adding density to transit stations.

After all, the article "How DC densified" (Works in Progress) attributes the region's relatively lower rents to densification in association with transit oriented development.  Note that the article focuses on Arlington County, and its decision to densify by redirecting the Orange Line from the I-66 median into a tunnel along the Wilson Boulevard corridor, 

I think there are many lessons, good and bad, from WMATA.  One is to build more density than usually planned for.

--D.C. Freeway Revolt and the Coming of Metro, part 1, Federal Highway Administration
-- part 2, part 3, part 4, part 5, part 6, part 7, part 8, part 9, part 10

There are some additional points since this entry was first published in January.  

-- "Reprint with editing: Today WMATA Metrorail's 50th anniversary from the start of service | Part 1: many lessons can be found, if you look"
-- "WMATA's 50th anniversary from the start of service, Part 2a | The Original Approved Metrorail System (1968-1970)"
-- "WMATA's 50th anniversary from the start of service, Part 2b | Lessons learned: Proposed expansions and the Metrorail system we don't have"
-- "WMATA's 50th anniversary from the start of service, Part 3 | Stations"
-- "WMATA's 50th anniversary from the start of service, Part 4 | Buses"
-- "WMATA's 50th anniversary from the start of service | Part 5: Making a better transit network | Connecting heavy rail + light rail + railroad -- a concept for New York City 

This entry has a number of edits compared to the January iteration.  

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Metro's Opening Day - Rhode Island Avenue station (March 27, 1976). Credit: WMATA Photograph by Larry Levine.

I started this piece in late fall, spurred probably by "Streetcars: transit, economic development levers, source for discontent in local politics | Milwaukee HOP streetcar." 

Because of the issues raised about transit as a lever of economic development, urban revitalization and the repositioning of cities. (Relevant to the sorry saga of the DC Streetcar, entry to come."

A Red Line train heading toward Glenmont arrives at Metro Center. A track-switching problem apparently delayed the train -- and worsened the backup. Photo Credit: By Linda Davidson -- The Washington Post Photo

It reminded me that 2026 is the 50th Anniversary of WMATA's opening of the first section of the Metrorail system; On March 27th, 2026, the Red Line from Rhode Island Station to Downtown's Farragut North Station.  

At that time there was a regional consensus about the value of building the subway that had been built up over many years of planning and promotion.

A Reddit commenter did make the point that consensus was easier to develop because it was led by the Federal Government, which was able to convene the separate jurisdictions more easily than a single jurisdiction could have.  (Maybe later the Metropolitan Washington Council of Governments could have, but made up of local elected officials with varying levels of vision, probably not.)

Post-2009: the transit consensus denigrates further.  In 2009, after the Fort Totten train crash which killed 9 ("Remembering Metro's deadliest crash, 15 years later," NBC), I argued that the regional consensus  built to support Metrorail and presumably transit more generally, needed to be rebuilt as the region and population grew, with new residents unfamiliar with the history of the system ("St. Louis regional transit planning process as a model for what needs to be done in the DC Metropolitan region"). 

(I also made the same argument for 2016, the system's 40th anniversary, "WMATA 40th anniversary in 2016 as an opportunity for assessment").

During this period, DC and Arlington had been planning streetcars.  Arlington shut down their effort in  2014, while DC, as a great example of planning failure managed to open the streetcar in 2016--after starting planning in 2003--but now plans to shut it down.

And then there's the Purple Line light rail program.  Proposed in the late 1980s as a circular line connecting all the Metrorail lines.  After starts and stops, the Maryland program is developing a section of it, from Bethesda to New Carrollton.  

Planning was stopped by Republican Governor Ehrlich, resuscitated by his Democratic successor Martin O'Malley, and then threatened with cancellation by his Republican successor Larry Hogan.  

There's been lots of opposition by people in certain monied areas of Montgomery County like Chevy Chase ("Environmental groups, Chevy Chase residents plan suit over Purple Line," "Judge dismisses third — and final — lawsuit against Purple Line project," Washington Post), but the system will finally open in early 2028--40+ years after it was first proposed.

I used to comment that the opposition to the streetcar and light rail implied a total lack of knowledge and history of Metrorail, back when the system was serving more than 750,000 riders per day (plus another 500,000 trips by bus).

Back then, residents in Maryland and Virginia voted in favor of a bond for their portions of the system.  Now people sue against transit.

And that the consensus in favor of a transit-centric land use and transportation planning paradigm, especially after the Metrorail crash killed eight people and the system degraded significantly afterwards, needed to be recreated.

Covid as another catastrophic event.  Alongside the years of reinvestment and poor service, another key event is the decline of ridership during covid because of the shift of work from the office to remote work at home.

Downtown as a business center and transit destination further diminished by Trump Administration firings of federal workers.  Fewer federal employees and moving agencies out of DC reduces ridership.

Advertising supplement to the Washington Star, 3/21/1976.

The system has 2/3rds the ridership from 2019, although WMATA is rebounding better than many of its peers ("Can Washington DC keep its transit comeback rolling?Governing). Funding, with the fall of farebox revenue, has also been a problem.

Definitely needed are sessions on "lessons learned."  Even to compare DC to SF's BART ("BART has carried riders for 50 years. It also changed how the Bay Area lives," San Francisco Chronicle), Atlanta's MARTA, and Miami's Metro.

For example, DC's streetcar is the textbook example of poor planning, yet it has sparked more than $1 billion in new or planned development ("DC and streetcars #4: from the standpoint of stoking real estate development, the line is incredibly successful and it isn't even in service yet, and now that development is extending eastward past 15th Street," "Update/revision of H Street transit oriented real estate development table").  

Transit infrastructure can have speedy returns on public investment.  A key lesson for me was the revitalization impact of the New York Avenue Metrorail station on the H Street neighborhood.  

The station led people with choices to choose the neighborhood as a place to live, and play.  The commercial district and subsequent building of housing was accelerated by the presence of the station (which also provided major development impact on the Union Market district and in the NoMa area west of the Union Station railyard).

It made me a believer that when done right, transit infrastructure is the fastest return on investment for urban revitalization.

Plus, besides lessons for good, We need lessons for bad.  And for recommendations and an action plan for improving and integrating transit modes into a true system going forward.

Urban and Transportation Planning Lessons from DC Metrorail

Economic revitalization


Development spurred by transit is called Transit Oriented Development.  The Federal Transit Administration for a long time considered planning for such improvements was at odds with focusing on operating transit service successfully.

But the reality is that without sparking additional development and generating additional tax revenues, it's hard for local jurisdictions to justify the large costs that they are required to pay as part of getting federal funds.

Economic revitalization.  For the first 30 years of the system, academic research didn't find a lot of economic impact.  

I think that's the result of metropolitan area studies which spreads results out, when transit economic effects are more localized.  But it's also because seeing results takes a long time.  It takes a long time to build one building, let alone hundreds.

Although later studies found significant impact (When we invest in transit, our community thrives: 2024 Benefits of Transit Report, WMATA), which makes sense because it covered a longer period of time.

E.g., the region versus Downtown DC, DC neighborhoods ("To Create Abundant Housing, Ignore the YIMBY Playbook," Washington Monthly), or the Wilson Boulevard corridor in Arlington County ("The Effect of Transit-Oriented Development in Arlington, Virginia on Transportation Choices").

DC, Arlington, Alexandria, and Montgomery Counties have benefited more from Metrorail than Prince George's County.  Unlike the others, PGC has fewer conurbations served by the Metro and it hasn't been focused on shifting development to those places served by Metrorail.  

For example, for years I've thought the County should move its place of government to New Carrollton, which is served by Metrorail, from Upper Marlboro, which is not ("Go big or go home: Prince George's County needs to think big and consider better revitalization examples for New Carrollton").  Recently, more agencies have moved to Largo, which is served by Metrorail, but the development in the area is disjoint, very much not like stations in DC.

Arlington has been particularly successful in repositioning Wilson Boulevard as an office district, competitive with DC because of lower rents, although this is changing as the Silver Line presents new development further out with even cheaper rents ("The state of Arlington County Virginia's commercial real estate market: 2012 and the future").

It's also important to look at the differential impact on the suburbs ("Inner ring suburban community improvement," "Metrorail as a revival mechanism for the inner suburbs: Takoma Park," and "Tysons, White Flint and the continued "maturation" of the suburbs").

2.  Still, perhaps the biggest lesson is that transit focused revitalization takes a long time.  Although it can be incredibly fast if done right, additive, within an existing system  ("NoMA: the neighborhood transit built." Urban Land, "Three New Metro Stations To Open Before Year's End," Washington Post).  This aligns with the finding of the UMN Center for Transportation Studies that the greatest value from additions to transit infrastructure come within the first 10 miles of the core system.

3.  Especially when you aren't guided by good planning, financing and high quality implementation organizations.  Which should be done at the system, line, and station area scale ("Revisiting creating Public Improvement Districts in transit station catchment areas," 2020).

When I first got involved, I thought DC didn't do station area planning.  

It did, but it didn't have an implementation organization or financing ("Updating the best practice elements of revitalization to include elements 7 and 8 | Transformational Projects Action Planning at a large scale," 2024), and actually that was a benefit because the plans took on the urban renewal architectural brutalism of the time.  Later transit oriented developments tend to be much better than the original planning.

Images of a protest flyer and the cover of a station area plan for the Takoma subway station from the article "Call to Arms: Activists defend a community under siege" by Diana Kohn, in the May 2009 issue of the Takoma Voice.

4.  More should have been invested in stations as neighborhood gateways ("Transit, stations, and placemaking: stations as entrypoints into neighborhoods").  Because the DC area is much less dense compared to NYC, it's been difficult to have stations serve as neighborhood hubs in the way that they do in NYC or Chicago.

5.  Sometimes development can be too soon.  A lot of early development such as at Silver Spring, was low density residential, because that was a building type financial institutions were familiar with.  Waiting until market understanding catches up with the new reality on the ground can be important.  In short, building what you can build today can impose opportunity costs and suboptimal outcomes.

A good example is Fort Totten in DC.  Early development on site is three and four story garden apartments.  Second phase development off site is 6 story mixed use buildings.  But post-covid, much of the later proposed greater density projects are on hold.

Diagram of the WMATA system from Cities in Full.

6.  Polycentric versus monocentric development.  Metrorail was set up to move suburbanites to and from jobs in the city.  Thinking about revitalizing DC, the way that Arlington thought about shifting the Orange Line to an in-county rather than in-freeway alignment wasn't a huge part of the discussion.

7.  At DC's core, the Metrorail system is monocentric. While the system is spread out--polycentric--the reality is that in certain sections, like the core of DC or the Wilson Boulevard corridor, it functions monocentrically.  

DC has about 42 stations.  At the core of the city there are 30, many serve neighborhoods.  For the most part, all of those neighborhoods have revitalized.

8. Relatedly, Centers are key.  Stations outside of already even somewhat developed centers take much longer to bring about substantive development, let alone TOD ("Transit oriented development station typology revisited," 2024)  This problem was accentuated because a lot of transit systems are built along existing rail corridors, which are usually more industrially focused, and not well placed in terms of population and employment centers.

This is demonstrated in the difference between the Red Line in Montgomery County and the Blue and Orange Lines in Prince George's County.  Many Red Line stations serve existing centers (Bethesda, White Flint, Rockville, Silver Spring, Wheaton).  

You can't say the same for stations in Prince George's County outside of West Hyattsville and Hyattsville Crossing on the Green Line--stations in College Park and Greenbelt are far from the commercial cores in the city.  Meanwhile PGC hopes to develop a "Downtown" at the now renamed "Downtown Largo" Station.  But the land use form is super large disconnected parcels, nothing like a compact Downtown or regional commercial district.

9.  Trickle down development versus purposive planning.  It took 20-25 years to see Downtown DC reasonably well built out in response to Metrorail.  Separately, it took 25-30 years to see the effect on DC neighborhoods.  Arlington and Montgomery County also benefited, and Alexandria, all with their own timeframes, but a little more quickly than DC.

It's fair to say that DC had a trickle down approach to development, in that it was expected that transit was enough to move the city forward.  But pushing various levers would have speeded up progress.

Arlington County did it differently ("How DC densified," Works in Progress).  They provided a special upzone of the transit shed along Wilson Boulevard, served by four Orange Line stations.  It wasn't an upzone per se, but a planned unit development process that allowed for significant height bonuses, in part in return for community benefits.  That process was faster and more purposeful than DC's and resulted in a lot of commercial and residential development.  

Flickr photo by David Dimick.

It wasn't perfect.  Ballston Mall never really improved much and the impacts on Rosslyn which had already developed somewhat before Metrorail, were minimal.  Although these days Rosslyn has a lot of new development, as it still offer lower commercial rents than DC.

(Note: later, very successfully, DC provided incentives for housing development at the Columbia Heights and Petworth stations, among others, when the areas still lagged the core of the city.)  

10.  Proffers.  In Arlington, along Wilson Boulevard, to get the upzone developers had to provide significant proffers/community benefits in return.  This includes public space improvements, amenities such as theater spaces for use by nonprofits, investments in transit, and other benefits.

The other jurisdictions haven't done this so systematically.  DC does have a similar planned unit development process, allowing for a 20% project upzone.  But the city doesn't have a systematic set of criteria on which to negotiate ("Revisiting community benefits agreements," 2021).  Montgomery County charges impact fees, based on various criteria.

11.  Equity.  It was believed that transit would increase economic activity and property values.  At the time, people didn't think too much about the impact on low income populations, and the potential for displacement as neighborhoods changed as higher income residents were attracted to transit connections and other previously unappreciated amenities.

The light rail systems in Minneapolis ("Affordable housing along transit corridors," Hennepin County, "15 development projects will create and preserve nearly 2,000 affordable homes," Met Council) and Phoenix ("Light rail housing fund spurs 15 projects in metro Phoenix" and "Why you don't see more vacant lots along light-rail route," Arizona Republic) have been better at creating community development initiatives to build affordable housing in association with the new transit lines, reducing negative effects.  

This has driven a lot of organizing around the Purple Line especially in the Takoma-Langley area ("As Purple Line construction resumes, the fight against gentrification is on," Washington Post) but they haven't moved in a substantive way towards implementation ("Op-Ed in Washington Post about preserving affordable housing in the Purple Line corridor (Department of Duh)," "Follow up: Washington Post op-ed on affordable housing, the priming role of foundations and Washington's weak philanthropic community | Enterprise Community Partners could be a leader").

To its credit, Amazon, having entered the region with its HQ2 development in Arlington, has invested a lot of money in affordable housing projects, as part of its national initiative

New Carrollton in Prince George's County has Metrorail, Amtrak, and MARC service now, and a connection to the Purple Line is forthcoming.

12.  Are suburban conditions different from the center city?  Yes.  Arlington took on a more urban orientation with the addition of Metrorail to its urban core.  

While Fairfax County's initial stations were more outposts along the freeway. 

But as discussed above, centers are key, serving as launch points for new development and intensification.

I came up with a station typology of development opportunity based on some WMATA planning work--they came up with the original, and I expanded it. Their focus was more about what type of stations needed particular kinds of pedestrian and bicycle improvements.  I extended this to ancillary development.

--  "Transit oriented development station typology revisited," 2024

A key difference, and this is especially true of the Silver Line, is that pods of development in automobile-dominated communities aren't likely to be transformational in terms of promoting sustainable mobility or even transit use. 

-- "Setting the stage for the Purple Line light rail line to be an overwhelming success: Part 4 | Making over New Carrollton as a transit-centric urban center and Prince George's County's "New Downtown"," 2017/2014
-- "Suburban Virginia's Silver Line Metrorail after 10 years," 2025

Transit engineering

I am not a transit engineer.  However, I can offer a few observations.

1.  Focus on safety, not a bias for operational uptime.  The cause of the 2009 Crash which killed 9 people was faulty signalization equipment.  Over time, WMATA integrated new equipment into the system, and the original manufacturer made the point that they couldn't guarantee seamless operation with the different equipment.

As many as a half dozen times before the Crash, WMATA had similar systems failures of a train proceeding when the track had another train on it.  In one instance trains crashed causing extensive damage.  But no passengers were involved.

After the Crash, people were promoted, rather than demoted.

2.  Interlining.  The Red Line is the only Metrorail line that doesn't share track with other lines.  Generally it has the greatest capacity and reduced downtime compared to the other lines.  I liken interlining to a virus (between the Blue, Orange, and Silver Lines and separately the Green and Yellow) One there is a problem on one line it spreads to the others, it doesn't contain problems.

3.  Additional tracks/redundancy/pocket tracks.  This is a long time debate.  Should WMATA have had extra tracks to support express service or to provide redundancy when there is a problem with a train and it takes a track out of service?  I'd argue it should have been considered.  At least in some places it would have provided redundancy for out of service incidents, but not express service.  ("Redundancy, engineered resilience, and subway systems: Metrorail failures will increase without adding capacity in the core," 2016).

Pocket tracks are set up between stations so that trains can turn around and switch sides.  For whatever reason, the pocket track at Stadium-Armory doesn't work so well for the Silver Line.

4.  Should express service be an issue?  Well, since the majority of ridership is within the core, does it make sense to provide express service to the end lines?  Probably not, although as depicted in this graphic, Shady Grove as an end of line station has have greater ridership compared to some core stations.  But that's because people even further out drive to the station.  This used to be the case for Vienna Station, until the Silver Line went into service.

One way to do this is with a double stack tunnel.

Diagram produced for people advocating that the Silver Line be underground in the Tysons area ("The Tysons Tunnel decision : a case study of suboptimal decision-making in major transit investments," MIT thesis). Ultimately, the FTA refused to pay towards the added cost.

Entry #2 in this series discusses system expansion mooted at the beginning of the system (Approved Plan) and in a 1991? "21st Century Metrorail" graphic.  

Were the system to extend to Annapolis or even Baltimore (the first I think is a good idea, not the second), four tracks would be in order both for redundancy and express service.

5..Silver Line stressed the system.  The pre-Silver Line system was roughly at equilibrium in terms of equipment (like power stations) being up to the task for running the lines with minimal problems.  When the Silver Line opened this changed.  As part of constructing the Silver Line, Virginia should have been required to pay for system improvements not on the Virginia portion of the Line, to mitigate negative effects.

(This would be as issue for new lines suggested in entry #2 in this series.)

6.  Undergrounding.  More track underground is expensive.  Otoh, it can still operate in extreme winter weather.  That's why Montreal's STM only has underground stations, as the region gets tremendous snowfall.  But the subway keeps running.  Speaking of tunneling, "ASCE Panel Recommends Tunneling through Tysons Corner."

7.  Regulation and oversight.  After the Fort Totten crash in 2009, it came out that decades before, the BART system in the San Francisco Bay region had similar problems, but because of safety regulation by the California Public Utilities Commission, it was addressed, and redundant safety controls were implemented within the signaling system.

For some reason, public transit systems (and water systems) tend to be excluded from typical regulatory oversight.  When streetcar and bus transit systems were privately owned they were regulated.  Just because a transit authority is public doesn't mean it doesn't need oversight.

Since the Crash, an oversight board was created, but it is more of a captive advisory group.  Better to have an independent regulator ("In 2009 I wrote that WMATA's regulatory oversight needed to be significantly improved, US DOT says the same in 2016").

Transit infrastructure and operations planning lessons

To me, conceptually the best example is Portland, in that they made quantum scale tough decisions, and continued to do so, as far as integrating transit, urban design, compact development and quality of life planning ("A summary of my impressions of Portland, Oregon and planning," 2007). 

1.  While the early system was expensive and seemed extensive, it missed areas that would have been good to have included, and WMATA seems to not have continued to work for expansion beyond the original system program.  (I have to qualify this because I don't have insider knowledge.)

In terms of requests for expansion, WMATA kept saying, not until we finish the original Approved Plan.  This meant that original concepts of extensions mostly did not come about.  Any substantive expansions would be decades out.  (I pointed this out to the first Dr. Gridlock columnist for the Washington Post, c. 1990.)

As the Purple Line light rail program proves, it takes decades to build rail.  If you do it in fits and starts it takes a lifetime.

This point has been further developed in a separate entry:

-- "WMATA's 50th anniversary from the start of service, Part 2a | The Original Approved Metrorail System (1968-1970)"
-- "WMATA's 50th anniversary from the start of service, Part 2b | Lessons learned: The Metrorail system we don't have"

Washingtonians of all ages celebrate Metro's Opening Day at Rhode Island Avenue station (March 27, 1976). Credit: WMATA Photograph by Larry Levine

2. Vibes: a transit city has to invest in transit improvement and expansion.  As David Miller, former mayor of Toronto said, "you can't have a transit city if you don't continue to build transit."  

He wasn't re-elected and the program was dropped ("The transit city that could’ve been," Ethnic Aisle, "Transit city's not dead yet: David Miller," Toronto Globe &Mail

From EA:

Well, Toronto has to build rapid transit. It needs to build rapid transit that helps the city direct the growth that’s come into the city appropriately. It needs to build rapid transit that serves people from all walks of life. It needs that from a transportation perspective, from an environmental perspective. Which is why it should be rail and electric based, no emissions or close to zero emissions. That rapid transit network will not only address transportation issues, it will address economic issues, so it’s good socially, economically, environmentally, and for transportation. We need that, the city’s not going to thrive without it.

The DC area built Metrorail and it is an incredible achievement.  Of the fully funded "new transit systems" planned in the 1960s--BART, Atlanta, and Miami--DC Metrorail has been the most successful.

OTOH, I don't think the region ever tried to build from a vision  of a "a transit city" or "transit metro" where a transit first agenda is the foundation of the regional land use and transportation planning paradigm.  

SF has a "Transit First" approach solidified in the City Charter, focused on its MUNI system ("Comments on Proposed EYA Development at Takoma Metro Station, Washington DC," 2006).

Paris is the best example over all ("Paris’ Vision for a ‘15-Minute City’ Sparks a Global Movement," World Resources Institute, "Ambitions behind Greater Paris Project," "Paris is getting a whole new Metro network.  And it's huge," CNN).  New York City some of it on placemaking, without the massive expansion of transit.

London and Paris are the preeminent transit cities in the Western Hemisphere, continuing to make investments in transit expansion, although London like New York City, lags comparatively due to budget constraints.

3.  Transit "vibes" (priorities) of DC (and Arlington) are different from the suburbs: tensions in oversight of Metrorail.  One problem is that DC and Arlington favor intensification and service in the core, including service throughout the day and on weekends, to support a car-light lifestyle and mobility paradigm, while the outer jurisdictions care more about getting their resident workers to and from DC.  They care about peak service, not off peak service.  They don't see value in building a mobility paradigm that doesn't favor automobility, etc.  

Another way to think about it is in terms of polycentric versus monocentric interests.  Plus Maryland and Virginia tend to wax and wane in their support of transit.  Even Democratic Governors who favor transit fear DC proper getting "too much" of the economic benefits from Metrorail.  Separately, then Governor McAuliffe in Virginia decided to toll inbound I-66, to "encourage" businesses to relocate from DC to Virginia.  (DC has a tough time competing with Virginia as it is.)

4.  Relatedly, Transit is cheapest to build "RIGHT NOW."  A former BART (SF) chairman used to say "the cheapest time to build transit is right now" because costs only go up.  (I can't find the cite.)  E.g., I think the Purple Line has doubled in cost over its timeframe for planning and construction.

Saying you want to do X without ever moving it into planning, design and engineering means it won't happen.  Or when it does, it will be way more expensive.  

5.  A transit city/transit region should integrate railroad commuter service with subway and other modes like light rail or streetcar/tram, alongside deep bus networks.  And be focused on improving service and expanding where it makes sense ("Branding's (NOT) all you need for transit").  For example, Paris just added a gondola to serve a section of the city particularly difficult to serve by traditional transit.

6.  WMATA sees itself not as the metropolitan area's primary transit operator, but the manager of a subway.  By default it is the primary transit planner, but not so committed to transit overall.  Their focus is Metrorail as the golden child and Metrobus as the scapegoat child. 

Two examples include how WMATA refused to run the Takoma Langley bus station, forcing the Maryland MTA to run it.  Same with the Purple Line.  MTA expected WMATA would want to run it.  They didn't.  The same goes with planning a gondola service in Georgetown.  That's led by the Georgetown BID, not WMATA (Although a Separated Silver Line would be even better.)

By contrast LA MTA figured it was to its advantage to lend its planning expertise to proposed transit projects outside its current purview (mostly that's a potential gondola service for Dodgers Stadium).

7.  The region should have (and still can) adopt a German style "transport association" where most elements of the transit system are part of one association, with a clear distinction between planning and system and route operation

-- "The answer is: Create a single multi-state/regional multi-modal transit planning, management, and operations authority association," 2017
-- "Verkehrsverbund: The evolution and spread of fully integrated regional public transport in Germany, Austria, and Switzerland," International Journal of Sustainable Transportation, 2018
-- "One big idea: Getting MARC and Metrorail to integrate fares, stations, and marketing systems, using London Overground as an example," 2015 [I did ignore the VRE and Virginia which was an oversight]
-- "A new backbone for the regional transit system: merging the MARC Penn and VRE Fredericksburg Lines," 2015
-- "DC State rail planning initiative," 2015
-- "Route 7 BRT proposal communicates the reality that the DC area doesn't adequately conduct transportation planning at the metropolitan-scale," 2016

8.  Additions to transit infrastructure should be used to drive complementary improvements across the transit system.  Both to increase the success of the new infrastructure, and to build ridership overall.  Like DC's streetcar or the Purple Line or the Silver Line (some station upgrades compared to the legacy system, have occurred with the Silver Line, in particular public restrooms and enhanced bike parking), 

Past blog entries illustrating this concept include:

-- "Codifying the complementary transit network improvements and planning initiatives recommended in the Purple Line writings," 2022/2017
-- "Using the Silver Line as the priming event, what would a transit network improvement program look like for NoVA?," 2017
-- "A "Transformational Projects Action Plan" for the Metrorail Blue Line," 2020

9.  Fare media integration.  One good thing is that WMATA's MetroCard fare card is usable across the metropolitan area on WMATA and local bus systems.  It took awhile for this to happen.  Also because the Maryland Transit Administration funds Metrorail, it uses the same fare card system for local transit in Baltimore.  So the same cards work in either metropolitan area (but not on railroad passenger services).

10.  Bus services complement heavy railThis is discussed in a separate part of the series to come.

The counties have done this around bus transit.  For example, Montgomery County leveraged the Metrorail system to develop a national best practice suburban bus system.  

It didn't have one before Metrorail, and its bus system aims to servie neighborhoods conveying residents to and from transit stations.

The County continues to invest in transit, and has made riding the system free as of this year (Ride On Reimagined: Montgomery County’s Comprehensive Bus Network Study: Service and Implementation).  

Alexandria is also a suburban leader ("Alexandria, VA, Transit Riders Enjoying ‘The DASH Difference’," Busline), and of course Arlington, which also is the area leader in promoting biking and walking--one of their promotions now focuses on encouraging winter cycling.  PG County is a laggard but is improving their bus system and investing in trails.

11.  Providing bus service when Metrorail is not operating.  Metrorail operates from 5 AM to Midnight, Sunday (starts at 6 AM) through Thursday, from 5 AM to 2AM on Friday, and from 6 AM to 2 AM on Saturday.  Ideally, a bus service paralleling the subway system would provide service to night workers and others.

Funding lessons from DC Metrorail: ask for money when you're doing well and everyone loves you

At the beginning of when I became more involved in these issues c. 2003, there were reports and lectures about how WMATA needed a regional taxing mechanism to provide more funding predictability for funding. . 

The funding system now is (1) each year the jurisdictions provide base funding and bus funding, (2) more recently the federal government does too, (3) along with other federal funds for capital improvements, (4) farebox revenues, and (5) miscellaneous revenues (leases, advertising, etc.).

I didn't know there was a bond measure for Metrorail.  There were votes in 1968 and 1969 in Maryland and Virginia.  They passed with about 71% of the vote.  Also see "Let the Region Revive The Spirit of ’68," Brookings.   

Generally when the system turns a "profit," the jurisdictions demand a refund.

But nothing ever happened on the sales tax front ("Funding WMATA with a regional sales tax," 2017)..

Note that the past blog entry, "Metrolinx Toronto: 25 potential tools to fund transit-transportation infrastructure," (2013) lists many different funding sources for transit, based on a study for Greater Toronto's Metrolinx regional transportation authority.  I've since added a few in the comments, although the overall entry hasn't been updated.  

It came to a head after the 2009 crash, and ever since ("WMATA Chief says it’s time to talk about a regional tax to help fund Metro (DC area)").  Note a sales tax isn't perfect.  Revenues drop during recessions.  But it could be a part of a broader revenue stream and add more stability.

By contrast, BART and MARTA created sales tax districts when they were founded.  My lesson from DC is the best time to ask for a regional sales tax is when you're wildly successful, not when you're in crisis.

Even so it would have been difficult to pass a sales tax measure.  

Getting the cities and counties and the state governments to work together is like herding cats.  

But in the 1980s when the system was growing and thriving would have been the best time ("Creativity Helps Rochester's Transit System Turn a ProfitNew York Times).  And they did pass a capital bond to build the system already.

Note that the SF Bay region is looking to add another sales tax to support area transit including BART, CalTrain, and MUNI (SF) in response to the post-covid fiscal cliff many transit systems are experiencing ("Bay Area transit sales tax measure clears state hurdle," San Jose Spotlight).

2.  Metrorail is expensive to ride.  Because it's a hybrid of inner city heavy rail and suburban commuter rail, fares are high, more like commuter rail.  (2) WMATA charges a fare for each mode (with a slight discount when you transfer), so that you pay two fares if you ride bus to and from Metrorail. Although bus to bus transfers are three.  (3) For a long time, Metrorail could get away with high fares because federal agencies provide transit benefits to workers for travel to and from work--this year it's a maximum of $340.  

For these reasons, Metrorail boasted for many years of its high farebox revenue rate, in the 80th percentile.  Now, they've hit a bit of a ceiling and in response have added a myriad of pass products to make it cheaper to ride.

Note that in Baltimore, if you ride the MARC train with a pass, you can ride local transit for free (the same goes for Southern California riders of Metrolink.)

Governance

Is complicated because it is split between DC, Maryland, and Virginia, and now the federal government.  Each of which provides annual funding to the system.  One problem is that the core communities--DC and Arlington--have different goals from the outer suburbs.

DC and Arlington focus on the system's qualities of serving city residents, reducing dependence on the automobile, while the outer suburbs are more focused on their residents getting to and from work. This affects discussions about fares, and what kind of service to provide.

When the system foundered as a result of the Fort Totten crash, unbelievably some of the suburban jurisdictions actively considered shutting down the system.

Virginia too doesn't want to help WMATA too much, even though it is one of the backbones of the  economic success for Northern Virginia, because it competes with DC for residents and businesses.  Maryland under Republican governors is anti-transit; pro with Democrats.

2.  Board members are appointed.  Could they be elected?  I've thought that like BART, maybe it would be better if the representatives from jurisdictions were elected, and treated as part of the political infrastructure of the local jurisdiction in terms of developing budgets and other programs.  The federal government could continue to appoint its representatives.

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Wednesday, October 01, 2025

Best practice innovation and government: bottle deposit bills and DC


Everett Rogers' book Diffusion of Innovations came out of his dissertation where he studied the "diffusion of innovation" through different sectors of the economy-society.  

For example, it took 17 years for a good innovation to percolate out through K-12 education, because of how it is organized--thousands of districts across 50 states and territories.

There used to be talk about how states can be "Laboratories of Democracy" in fostering innovation that is later taken up by other states--Mitt Romney's state health insurance program in Massachusetts ("Mitt Romney Finally Takes Credit For Obamacare," NPR) is one example, another is how the Children's Health Insurance Program started out of a community program in Pittsburgh ("CHILDREN IN CRISIS: The Story of CHIP," PBS documentary).

Today I think it is a lot more difficult than we realize between the lobbying of special interests (the conservatives have an especially good one in the American Legislative Exchange Council, which gets conservative legislation passed across the country), state legislatures that pre-empt local action, and just the amount of time required to organize and get something passed.

Another example is the penny.  We know we don't need it.  But copper interests kept their hand in Congress to keep it minted.  Finally, it won't be newly minted, but will still remain in circulation ("No more pennies? Coin collectors say end of penny will have little impact on hobby," St. Cloud Times).

At the local level, an example is bag charges.  DC did it in 2009.  The Wall Street Journal was up in arms ("In Washington, a Lesson in Bureaucracy Comes in Every Bag"), but a year later said it wasn't so bad ("Capital Takes Bag Tax In Stride").  But it's taken more than a decade for neighboring jurisdictions to pass similar laws, in part because of state action.

-- "Recycling, waste streams, plastic bags, and bottle bills," 2013

I bring this up because the DC City Council is considering a bottle deposit law ("Fight gearing up over D.C. bill to recycle bottles and cans for cash," Post).  Environmental groups put this on the DC ballot in 1988!!!!!!!!!!!! and it was defeated by organizing by the beverage industry.

That was around when I first moved to DC, coming off of about 10 years of Michigan already having such a bill, where it worked well at reducing bottle and can litter from beverages ("How Does Recycling Your Bottle and Cans Help Preserve Michigan’s Environment).

A few years ago, I walked from my house in Manor Park to Columbia Heights and back, and picked up almost 500 recyclable bottles and cans (not all subject to traditional deposit laws, some were from food).

I wonder what Everett Rogers would think of a 40+ year diffusion curve for bottle deposit laws?

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Monday, February 24, 2025

February is African-American History Month: Urban planning history -- the attempt to make Roxbury a separate city from Boston

I was surprised to come across a Boston Globe article ("Roxbury, Mattapan, and parts of Jamaica Plain could have become a separate Black majority city. Here’s what happened") on a de-annexation proposal for Boston, where the predominately Black areas would create their own city called Mandela.  

Also see 

-- "Separatist City’: The Mandela, Massachusetts (Roxbury) Movement and the Politics of Incorporation, Self-Determination, and Community Control, 1986–1988," Trotter Review
-- "Africa in Boston: A Critical Analysis of Mandela, Massachusetts," libcom
-- "Black neighborhoods becoming Black cities: Group empowerment, local control and the implications of being darker than brown," Harvard Civil Rights- Civil Liberties Law Review, 1988

Greater Atlanta. More recently, in Greater Atlanta, there has been a "create your own city" movement to separate blacks and whites, by selectively incorporating county lands ("The Incorporation of New Cities Has Increased Racial Segregation in Metro Atlanta," JCHS, "Suburbs, Inc.: Exploring Municipal Incorporation as a Mechanism of Racial and Economic Exclusion in Suburban Communities," Russell Sage Foundation Journal of the Social Sciences).  This continues with a proposal to calve off the Buckhead District ("Georgia senators reject Buckhead efforts to leave Atlanta," AP).  

Schools.  Similarly, in Shelby County, Tennessee, which created a consolidated city-county school district, white residents began breaking off and creating their own school districts ("Merger of Memphis and County School Districts Revives Race and Class Challenges," New York Times, "Back to the future: A new school district secession movement is gaining steam," Washington Post).

Mandela versus electing Black leaders.  While the Roxbury initiative was voted on, twice, it didn't pass ("Separatist City of ‘Mandela’ : Boston Voting on Proposal to Let Black Areas Secede," Los Angeles Times).  From the Globe article:

The Mandela referendum was defeated overwhelmingly that year and lost again at the polls two years later. Yet the underlying idea behind the movement — to place decision-making power and resources in the Black community’s own hands — survives nearly 40 years later. As voters in those same neighborhoods have worked over the years to choose candidates they feel are most suited to transform Black Boston, the issues of disinvestment, inequality, and underrepresentation that Mandela hoped to address have still been top of mind. ...

The proponents’ asks focused on giving Black people decision-making power. They wanted hard-earned taxpayer dollars to funnel back into these neighborhoods, and not other parts of Boston with more historic investment. They wanted to control development. They wanted better outcomes for students in Boston Public Schools, which was dominated by kids of color. And they wanted full political representation from their blocks, not just the few Black firsts that had penetrated Boston City Hall in the years prior. 

 “It was about ownership,” said Kambon, director of the Black Community Information Center in Roxbury. “We want to control our own destiny. We have the resources and the people power to make it happen.”

Black leaders, black city, no change?  I was thinking about this in terms of how many center cities around that time, majority Black, were starting to become Black led, although this was another 5-8 years after Roxbury.  And how Black elected leadership didn't make a lot of difference to urban outcomes compared to their more recent white predecessors.

Detroit, Cleveland, Chicago (in the 1980s), Washington, DC, Los Angeles were among the cities electing Black mayors.  And Atlanta.

A point in the book Black Social Capital: The Politics of School Reform in Baltimore, 1986-1999 about Black "takeover of public school boards" is pretty apt, that Blacks could get control only once resources for improvement were pretty much dissipated.  The federal government stopped giving extra money to cities, as their needs were increasing.

Atlanta: the city too busy to hate ("How Atlanta became the 'city too busy to hate'," Yahoo).  The difference in success between Atlanta and the others was likely because at the time Atlanta was a growing city, while the others were shrinking.  

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Saturday, April 06, 2024

Good quote on arenas and stadiums as "performing arts centers" attractions for cities

 Right now there's a lot going on in stadium and arena deals:

  • Chicago: the White Sox MLB and Bears NFL teams want new stadiums
  • Boston: the Revolution soccer team aims for a stadium in Everett, just outside Boston
  • Dallas: the Mavericks NBA team along with the Stars hockey team wants a new arena, preferably with a casino, which isn't yet legal in Texas
  • Kansas City: the Chiefs football team and the Royals baseball team just lost a sales tax extension which many attributed to a poorly defined program for use of the money
  • Las Vegas/Oakland: the Athletics MLB team is moving to Las Vegas with an interim stop in Sacramento 
The Las Vegas Athletics aren't interested in a throwback stadium design
There's an article in the Fort Worth Star-Telegram, "America's future sports stadiums finally at a cross roads," suggesting that the KC vote indicates voters are tired of paying subsidies to billionaires for sports teams.  
Any proposal for a new home of the Stars and Mavericks should serve as a litmus test where America sits with its tolerance to subsidize venues for teams that take a disproportionate share of the revenue. As the valuation of sports franchises continues to shatter logic, perhaps citizens will have a hard time justifying giving them more money.  
I'm not sure I agree.  I think the KC vote was more about not getting enough information to make a good decision, with a foundation of a bit of lack of trust ("Why Royals and Chiefs need to say we heard you, not act out ," Kansas City Star).  

And as I blogged, the Virginia Governor sprung the arena proposal on the public and the Legislature, giving them only 14 weeks to decide ("Wizards and Capitals teams staying in DC after all and the failure of the mansion tax referendum in Chicago have one thing in common: failure to take the time to build consensus").

In Oakland, the city was willing to provide a fair amount of money, but the MLB team owner wanted even more.

The S-T article quotes Ron Kirk, mayor of Dallas when the American Airlines Center was built, opening in 2001, and he has some interesting points.

1.  30 year maximum life for the facility

Ron Kirk knew going in what the lifespan would be for a replacement for Reunion Arena. “Thirty years,” he said. 

Kirk was the foremost political figure to lead the American Airlines Center project from its conception to construction. The AAC cost $420 million to build, and it opened in October of 2001. 

No one in any rational state who builds a house, or even an office space, thinks before they sign the necessary 43 million documents required for construction, says, 

Area around the Dallas arena, 2001.

“Thirty years and she’s done.” “That’s the reality of modern sports,” said Kirk, the former Dallas mayor, in a recent interview. “You build a building and when it’s life span is over, you build a new one. That’s what these owners want.”

2.  Sports stadiums and arenas as performing arts/cultural facilities

You either play, and operate, the glorified museum-stadium, which is a tourist attraction, or you “need” the new one complete with an assortment of new-age amenities. “The argument is always you never need to build it; we battled that when we did it here,” Kirk said. 

“We put in $125 million, and there’s been over $3 billion in private investments around (the AAC). It worked spectacularly.” 

Before the construction of the AAC, the area was an industrial hazard site. Literally. Since the building went up, it’s morphed into a mixed-use site for offices, residential space in the form of condos, and retail space with bars and restaurants. 

Area around the Dallas arena today 

“What drove a lot of energy then, in the ‘90s and not just in Dallas, all o.f the urban areas had been hallowed out by families fleeing and businesses going to the suburbs,” Kirk said. 

“The one thing that brought people back into the urban areas were arts, culture, sports, museums, and concerts. “It’s a performing arts building; that’s what you need to think of it as.”

Response.  

  1. How did Dallas get so much spillover development around the arena?  Those before and after photos are startling.  Did they have a plan, an implementation organization or did it just happen?  Few arenas or stadiums generate this level of change.  It could be location (I've never been to Dallas) because a lot of arena and stadium placements have flawed locations.
  2. Chicago.  The baseball team owner chose a bad location for the current stadium, and had no interest in embedding it in a neighborhood commercial district, despite the example of Wrigley Field a few miles a way.  While the new "stadium city" initiatives like Ballpark Village in St. Louis, District Detroit, or the area around the Braves stadium aren't city embedded per se, creating a mini city of development around them is what they do.
  3. Chicago.  The Bears are vacillating between a suburban location and the Chicago waterfront.  They propose a domed stadium, and placing such facilities in parks is very controversial in Chicago.  The Chicago Tribune editorialized, "The Bears have yet to say why they need the lakefront. Why even think of saying yes without that?," stating the Bears haven't provided a good rationale for a waterfront location, that a dome would hide the water, and that it would change the park with a museum and cultural center (there are 10 such facilities) to a sports and entertainment district. (Similar to the issue in KC about lack of definition.)
  4. Dallas.  The interesting thing is that Mark Cuban's sale of a majority of the basketball team to Las Vegas Sands with the aim of a casino means that sports betting/casino ("Mark Cuban has Vegas-like vision for Dallas, new Mavs arena if Texas OKs casino gambling," "Mark Cuban: ‘I’d like to see resort casino gambling,’ plans for making Texas a destination," and "Mark Cuban, the Mavericks and the great plan to bring a casino to Dallas," Dallas Morning News) or "ballpark village" (ULI case study, "Stadium anchored mixed-use development," Realogic, "It takes a ballpark village: stadiums, coalitions, and growth in two cities," MIT thesis) are the two future paradigms for boosting revenues.    

  5. Kansas City.  Probably better to have the baseball team downtown, but it's not a city with well developed transit.  For example, the 76ers argue by changing locations, instead of the 30% getting to the arena by transit now, it will be 60% on Market Street.  That won't happen in KC.  Plus you still need to do tons of marketing etc. to make the stadium work for other actors.  If games are scheduled early, people won't eat off site.  And increasingly, baseball patrons aren't interested in anything but eat and drink, so they won't help adjacent retail.
  6. Nashville.  Business doesn't care much about non business metrics.  Some of the residents are skeptical that the "wealth creation for the black community" objectives are reachable ("Some North Nashville Residents Wary of MLB Pitch," Nashville Scene).
  7. Philadelphia.  Probably Market Street is a better location and needs the jump in interest.  Plus more people will take transit to get to the games, comparable to the numbers for Madison Square Garden and Barclays Center in Brooklyn, which are the highest for transit using nationally.  The trick is to integrate the arena better and improve the street, while arenas tend to have deadening effects.
  8. Salt Lake.  Many years ago there was a study by American Business Journals about the capacity of metropolitan areas to add professional teams ("American City Business Journals calculates the capacity of North American metropolitan areas to support new/additional professional sports teams" 2015, archive.ph original article), also taking into account college sports (college football especially is big in Salt Lake).  Salt Lake didn't have a lot of financial capacity to add beyond NBA, soccer and Utes football.  It's smaller in population than most of the smallest teams in the professional sports landscape. But billionaires are billionaires and they don't think economics applies to them.

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Saturday, March 30, 2024

Wizards and Capitals teams staying in DC after all and the failure of the mansion tax referendum in Chicago have one thing in common: failure to take the time to build consensus

 Change is hard.  My experience in the civic arena is that it takes "a couple rounds" of putting the idea out there before there is consensus to go forward.

I wrote a bunch about failures of transit referenda in Tampa Bay and the State of Georgia in the 2010s.  Georgia introduced a new way to create transportation districts, then expected people to vote up or down in less than a year ("Failure of the transit-roads sales tax measure in Metro Atlanta," 2012).  

In Tampa, the two counties can't figure out how to work together on transit, nor can they build support within their counties (Voters reject Greenlight Pinellas," Tampa Bay Times, "My Ride/My Road: Polk County Voters Reject 1-Cent Sales Tax Increase," Lakeland Ledger, 2014).

There are plenty of other examples.

My point was that to do breakthrough initiatives, you have to build the support for it, people are conservative, and that takes time.  The other way I put it is that the more time you spend on the front end, with civic engagement and a slew of meetings and other activities, the faster it goes on the back end.  Finally, I hate losing. So I'd rather set myself up for success by taking the necessary time to build support.

1.  Sports Arena in Alexandria.  Virginia has a Republican Governor and a Democratic State Legislature.  Announced in December ("Lawmakers vote in favor of plan to bring Capitals, Wizards to Virginia," Washington Post), he wanted to move the Capitals hockey team and Wizards basketball team to an arena in Alexandria, claiming billions of dollars of benefits and many thousands of jobs("$730 rooms, $75 parking: Youngkin’s own report calls arena forecasts rosy").

Note while Downtown DC benefits from CapitolOne Arena, it's not like it drives the economy.

To stoke development in that area, a process that has been going on for about 20 years--giving the rights to develop to the team owner, which is the trend in stadium and arena development.  Team owners say they need the extra money to spend on the team, especially with the decline in broadcast revenues and minimal revenues from streaming.

-- "Capital One Arena, Wizards and Capitals may move to Alexandria | Why not the RFK campus?," 2024
-- "Framework of characteristics that support successful community development in association with the development of professional sports facilities," 2021

The deal called for at least $1.35 billion in tax incentives ("Caps, Wizards complex in Virginia could get largest arena subsidy ever").  

It was a shocking move.  And not all the state, especially State Senator Caroline Lucas, was on board ("Leonsis finally met arena nemesis Lucas, but maybe too late to save it").

Other issues also brought more opposition ("Plan to move Capitals, Wizards to Virginia draws transportation worries," "Plan for new Caps, Wizards arena in Va. stirs up its would-be neighbors") including a casino proposal ("JBG Smith blames Tysons casino conspiracy for derailing Potomac Yard deal," Alexandria Now).

Governor Youngkin just sprung this on everybody.  And "everybody" needed more than 3 1/2 months to get on board.  Let alone vote on it.

An article about the aftermath in the Post , "Va. Gov. Youngkin arrived like a GOP star, but arena failure clouds legacy," made the point about Youngkin, on most new initiatives he proposes, doesn't attempt to build support for them in advance, therefore fails.  (Also see "After Va. arena plan collapses, politicians and dealmakers trade blame" and " Proclamation: Governor Glenn Youngkin Statement On Monumental Sports & Entertainment Project.")

But Holsworth, the political analyst, said he saw a significant difference in the way Youngkin approaches big initiatives compared with previous governors. When Republican George Allen wanted to impose new education standards in the 1990s and had a Democratic legislature, he said, the governor appointed prominent Virginia educators to key administration roles and mounted a campaign around the state to build support from lawmakers and local officials — all before any votes were taken. 

Similarly, in the 2000s, Democrat Mark R. Warner logged miles around the state and made endless PowerPoint presentations to persuade business groups and a GOP legislature that Virginia had to raise taxes to preserve its high bond rating. 

Youngkin made no such broad effort to pave the way for the arena ... “It’s just not a very keen understanding of the political dynamics of Virginia,” Holsworth said.

So it failed and the teams are staying in DC ("Caps, Wizards will stay in D.C. under deal announced by Bowser, Leonsis," Washington Post) getting $500+ million from the city to do so, and getting the rights to redevelop the adjacent Gallery Place development to add some revenue streams ("MRP Realty to buy Gallery Place, make room for Monumental Sports & Entertainment," Washington Business Journal).

Under the terms of the deal signed Wednesday, pending expected D.C. Council approval next week, the District will send $515 million over three years to finance Capital One Arena’s modernization. In addition, the agreement provides for 200,000 square feet “of newly programmed space throughout Capital One Arena and in the Gallery Place building next door.” The terms also call for a new downtown practice facility for the Wizards, with “options including top floors of Gallery Place,” per Monumental’s release.

Campaign flyers for the Bring Chicago Home referendum at a march to the polls event March 9, 2024, in Chicago. (Vincent Alban/Chicago Tribune)

2.  Real estate transfer tax in Chicago.  In Chicago, new mayor Brandon Johnson proposed a higher transfer tax rate on properties selling for more than $1 million, to pay for affordable housing.  

Called "Bring Chicago Home," he proposed it in September ("Chicago mayor introduces real estate transfer tax plan to combat homelessness," Axios) for a vote this March.   That's 6 months!

It was estimated the tax could raise $100 million per year.

Naturally, the business community especially the real estate development community was against and could spend a lot of money fighting it.  Plus a lot of citizens were indifferent.

A number of cities, including DC, have such a tax, so it's not novel (Local Mansion Taxes: Building Stronger Communities with Progressive Taxes on High-Value Real Estate, report, Institute for Taxes and Economic Policy), the issue is getting it passed.

  • As of early 2024, 17 cities and counties have progressive taxes on high-price real estate sales, also known as “mansion taxes.” Several others are currently considering adopting these policies.
  • Together these taxes raise nearly $3 billion in annual revenue, equipping communities with resources to make progress on critical priorities of local and national concern including housing, education, and infrastructure. 
  • Local mansion taxes have been around since 1982, but the momentum for them has built in recent years. 
  • Nearly all of today’s mansion taxes were enacted or expanded between 2018 and 2023. 
  • Local mansion taxes play an important role in rebalancing upside-down tax codes, advancing racial and economic equity, and raising new revenue to build more resilient and inclusive communities. 
  • Mansion taxes have proven popular with voters: When put on the ballot, measures to enact or expand mansion taxes have succeeded 86 percent of the time.

Which they didn't.  It was also challenged in court by real estate interests, who didn't even want the votes to be counted ("Real estate group appeals Bring Chicago Home to state Supreme Court," Chicago Tribune).  The court said no, count the votes.  

But it didn't pass anyway, losing roughly 54% to 46%, a 21,000 vote difference in a low turnout election ("Chicago Voters Reject Mansion Tax in Blow to Mayor Johnson," Bloomberg).

Some electeds are chastened ("City Council’s Progressive Caucus responds to ‘Bring Chicago Home’ defeat with ‘we heard you’ humility," Chicago Sun Times). Not the mayor ("Johnson, defiant after 'Bring Chicago Home' loss, vows agenda push will 'get stronger'," Crain's Chicago Business).

But they shouldn't be so chastened, just recognize that they mishandled the initiative, by trying too soon for a vote without building the consensus for the need.  From the Axios article, "Why the Bring Chicago Home ballot measure failed"

  1. People not affected by homelessness don't understand it
  2. Voters fear rising residential taxes if the measure further hurts commercial real estate
  3. People worry that the tax could stifle future development
  4. Citizens have little faith in city leaders
  5. Voters were confused by the measure's changing legal status and swayed by opponents' commercials
  6. The measure lacked spending specifics
Conclusion.  My point is pretty clear.  Losing sucks.  So take the time necessary to build the consensus and coalition so you can win.  I don't understand why elected officials can't figure this out.

Especially in Chicago when you know from the outset that monied interests, in this case the commercial real estate industry, will fight you hard.  Or in Virginia, where the governor was asking to subsidize a billionaire with $1.35 billion, based on dubious claims about the economic value of doing so.

When I used to work in restaurants, there was a woman who was really fast but made mistakes and I would say "speed kills."

In this case, "Speed kills good ideas."

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